Why America's police look like soldiers
Summary
TLDR该视频脚本讨论了美国警察军事化的问题。从1980年代开始,为了打击毒品犯罪,美国政府通过一系列法案,如1033计划,允许警察部门获取军事装备,包括M16步枪、装甲车甚至榴弹发射器。这种装备的获取导致了警察行动方式的变化,SWAT队伍的出动次数显著增加。1997年北好莱坞银行抢劫案后,警察要求配备类似AR-15的突击步枪。随后,警察部门的装备进一步扩展,不再局限于打击毒品犯罪。2011年美军从伊拉克撤军后,大量军事装备被转交给警察部门,包括备受争议的MRAP防雷车。2014年,密苏里州弗格森市一名手无寸铁的黑人少年被警察射杀后,警察的军事化装备在抗议活动中引起了全国关注。尽管奥巴马总统签署行政令限制1033计划,但特朗普政府后来撤销了这一限制。军事化装备的使用不再依赖单一政府计划,而成为警察自我认知的一部分。研究表明,这种装备和心态使警察更加激进,公众感到恐惧,但在某些情况下,如2016年奥兰多夜总会枪击案,这些装备的使用是有益的。然而,大多数情况下,这些装备仍被用于执行与毒品相关的搜查令,包括导致Breonna Taylor死亡的无敲门搜查令。军事化警察的存在往往会加剧而非缓和局势。
Takeaways
- 🏛️ 在白宫附近的抗议活动中,警察和军队的混合力量使用了头盔、防暴盾牌、步枪和催泪瓦斯来应对和平抗议者。
- 👮♂️ 美国警察的装备越来越接近军队,这使得公众难以区分警察和军事人员。
- 🔫 20世纪80年代,为了打击毒品犯罪,里根总统呼吁军队与警察更直接地合作,随后国会通过一系列法案,允许警察获取军事基地和装备。
- 🚨 1033计划允许警察部门免费借用军方的剩余装备,包括M16突击步枪、装甲车甚至榴弹发射器。
- 📈 SWAT队伍的使用频率从1980年代每月一次增加到1995年的每年超过80次,大多数部署与毒品相关的搜查令有关。
- 🤔 警察的军事化引起了公众的注意,1997年的一篇文章将其比作“占领军”。
- 🛡️ 1997年洛杉矶北好莱坞银行抢劫案中,警察因缺乏相应的装备而受伤,此后加州警察要求配备类似AR-15的突击步枪。
- 📚 1033计划在同年扩展,取消了警察部门必须将装备用于与毒品执法相关的要求,任何执法机构都可以获取剩余的军事武器。
- 📊 从1990年代到2000年代初,1033计划下的装备数量稳步增长,直到2011年美军正式从伊拉克撤军,大量军事装备被转移给警察部门。
- 🔍 2014年,密苏里州弗格森市警察射杀未武装的黑人少年迈克尔·布朗后,社区抗议遭到重装备警察的镇压,这使得1033计划成为全国新闻。
- ⛔️ 奥巴马总统以行政命令限制了1033计划,但特朗普政府在两年后撤销了这一限制。
- 🚨 到了2016年,大多数通过1033计划借出的MRAP装甲车流向了较小的警察部门,大型城市的警察部门通常自己购买这些装备。
- 🛠️ 军事装备和武器的使用不再依赖于任何单一的政府计划,而是成为了警察自我认知的一部分。
- 👀 警察拥有军事级别的装备和武器,以及穿着类似军装的制服,大多数警察表示这对他们的心态和执法方式产生了影响,使他们更加激进和自信。
- 👮♀️ 警察和军队应该服务于不同的目的,当警察自视为士兵时,他们的行为和对待抗议者的方式可能会改变。
Q & A
在白宫附近的抗议活动中,警察和军队是如何混合行动的?
-在白宫附近的抗议活动中,参与的执法力量包括特勤局、公园警察、国民警卫队、监狱特种作战部队以及附近县的当地警察。这些力量的混合使得公众难以区分哪些是普通警察。
美国警察为何看起来越来越像士兵?
-美国警察外观向军事化转变的原因是多方面的,包括1980年代犯罪率的上升,以及里根总统提出的与警察更直接合作的军事化禁毒战争策略。
1033计划是什么?
-1033计划是美国国会通过的一项法案,允许警察部门获取军事基地和装备,国民警卫队协助警察进行禁毒行动,军事和警察共同训练,以及军方向警察部门免费借用他们多余的装备。
SWAT队伍的使用频率在1980年代到1995年间有何变化?
-在1980年代,SWAT队伍大约每月部署一次,而到了1995年,一些部门每年使用SWAT队伍的次数超过了80次,几乎所有这些部署都是针对与毒品相关的搜查令,通常是被称为“无敲门搜查令”的强制进入搜查。
1997年北好莱坞银行抢劫案对美国警察装备有何影响?
-1997年北好莱坞银行抢劫案中,两名武装分子拥有自动步枪和防弹衣,而警察没有相应的装备。此次交火导致12名警察受伤。事件之后,加利福尼亚州警察要求配备像AR-15这样的突击步枪,其他州的警察部门也提出了同样的要求。
为什么1033计划在2015年之前没有完整的记录?
-1033计划在2015年之前没有保持完整的记录,因此我们无法确切知道在那些早期年份中分发了多少装备。不过,我们有从该计划开始每年警察部门仍持有的装备数据。
2011年美军从伊拉克撤军后,对1033计划有何影响?
-2011年美军从伊拉克撤军后,军队有大量装备可用,而且少了一个战争来使用这些装备。因此,这些装备变得可供警察使用,其中包括一些最具争议的装备,如防雷伏击保护车辆(MRAP)。
2014年弗格森事件后,1033计划为何成为全国新闻?
-2014年弗格森事件中,一名警察射杀了一名手无寸铁的黑人少年迈克尔·布朗。随后,社区的抗议活动遭遇了重装警察的对待,警察用狙击步枪对准了游行的民众。这一事件引起了全国对1033计划的关注。
奥巴马总统是如何回应弗格森抗议活动中警察的军事化装备的?
-奥巴马总统以行政命令的形式对1033计划进行了限制,指出军事化装备有时会给人们一种感觉,好像存在一个占领军,而不是一个保护和服务社区的力量。
特朗普政府为何在两年后撤销了对1033计划的限制?
-特朗普政府撤销了对1033计划的限制,理由是他们不会将表面的问题置于公共安全之上。
为什么说警察拥有军事装备和武器不再依赖于任何一个政府计划?
-警察拥有军事装备和武器已经成为他们自我认知的一部分,而不再仅仅是依赖于某个特定的政府计划。即使1033计划的重要性有所下降,警察部门仍然通过其他方式获取军事化的装备。
警察军事化的心态对执法有何影响?
-警察军事化的心态可能导致他们在执法时变得更加激进和自信,这可能会使他们变得更具侵略性,甚至更暴力。同时,警察知道这种心态会吓到公众,但他们似乎并不在意这一点。
Outlines
👮♂️ 美国警察的军事化
第一段视频脚本描述了在白宫附近的一场和平抗议活动,尽管抗议本身是和平的,但遭到了装备有头盔、防暴盾牌、步枪和催泪瓦斯的部队的对待。这些部队由多个部门组成,包括特勤局、公园警察、国民警卫队、监狱特种作战部队和附近县的当地警察。然而,美国警察的军事化外观并非偶然,而是有意为之。自1980年代以来,美国警察的外观和装备开始向军事化转变,特别是在里根总统宣布的“禁毒战争”中,警察开始与军队更直接地合作。国会随后通过了一系列法案,包括1033计划,允许警察部门免费借用军队的剩余装备。这导致了警察部门获得了M16等突击步枪、装甲车甚至榴弹发射器。SWAT队伍的使用频率也显著增加,特别是在执行与毒品相关的搜查令时。警察的军事化引起了公众的注意,有人将其比作“占领军”。1997年北好莱坞银行抢劫案后,警察开始要求配备类似AR-15的突击步枪。随着时间的推移,1033计划被扩展,不再要求警察部门仅将装备用于与毒品执法相关的行动。2011年美军从伊拉克撤军后,大量军事装备被转交给了警察部门,其中包括备受争议的防雷伏击保护车(MRAP)。2014年,由于密苏里州弗格森市一名手无寸铁的黑人少年被警察射杀后,警察的军事化反应引起了全国的关注,奥巴马总统随后签署行政令限制1033计划。然而,特朗普政府在两年后撤销了这一限制。尽管如此,到了2016年,大多数由军方借出的MRAP已经被小型警察部门所使用,大城市拥有的军事装备通常是他们自己购买的。
🚨 军事装备对警察心态的影响
第二段视频脚本探讨了军事装备对警察心态的影响。现在,即使没有政府的单一计划,警察拥有军事装备和武器已经成为他们自我认知的一部分。研究表明,装备的军事化伴随着一种心态的转变,这种心态使得警察在巡逻时携带军事级装备或穿着类似军装时,感觉自己更加激进和自信。大多数警察表示,这种装备和服装使他们感觉更加积极,可能会使他们变得更加暴力。同时,他们意识到这会吓到公众,但他们似乎并不在意。虽然在某些情况下,如2016年奥兰多夜总会枪击事件中,军事装备的使用显然是有益的,但这些情况通常是例外。目前,这些装备大多仍由SWAT队伍用于执行与毒品相关的搜查令,其中超过一半是无需敲门的搜查令,类似于路易斯维尔警察在执行搜查令时杀害布雷奥娜·泰勒的情况。在弗格森抗议活动的案例中,司法部发现,警察的军事化存在“加剧而非缓和了整体局势”。军事和警察应该服务于不同的目的:军队保护“我们”免受“他们”的侵害,而警察应该是“我们”的一部分。当警察开始将自己视为士兵时,这种区别可能会变得模糊。
Mindmap
Keywords
💡和平抗议
💡警察军事化
💡1033计划
💡SWAT队伍
💡北好莱坞枪战
💡军事装备
💡MRAP
💡弗格森抗议
💡奥巴马行政命令
💡特朗普政府
💡警察角色
Highlights
抗议活动发生在白宫附近,6月1日,抗议本身是和平的。
抗议者面对的是装备头盔、防暴盾牌、步枪和催泪瓦斯的部队。
参与的执法部门包括特勤局、公园警察、国民警卫队、监狱特种作战部队和附近县的当地警察。
美国警察的外观越来越像军队,这是由于军事化的趋势。
1980年代,美国警察的装备相对简单,但随着犯罪率的上升,里根总统呼吁军队更直接地与警察合作进行禁毒战争。
国会通过了一系列法案,允许警察使用军事基地和装备,这是1033计划的开始。
警察部门获得了M16突击步枪、装甲卡车甚至榴弹发射器。
SWAT队伍的使用次数显著增加,从80年代的每月一次增加到1995年的每年超过80次。
警察的军事化引起了公众的注意,1997年的一篇文章将其比作“占领军”。
1997年洛杉矶北好莱坞银行抢劫案中,两名武装男子与装备不足的警察交火,导致12名警察受伤。
加州警察要求配备AR-15这样的突击步枪,其他州的警察部门也提出了同样的要求。
1033计划在同年扩大,取消了警察部门必须将设备用于与毒品执法相关的要求。
康涅狄格州的一位退休警察局长告诉《纽约时报》,他被提供了坦克、火箭筒等任何他想要的装备。
2011年,美军正式从伊拉克撤军,意味着大量军事装备被转交给了警察部门。
2014年,密苏里州弗格森市警察射杀了一名手无寸铁的黑人少年迈克尔·布朗,引发了全国性的讨论。
奥巴马总统以行政命令限制了1033计划,但特朗普政府在两年后撤销了这一限制。
到了2016年,大多数通过军事借出的MRAP(防雷伏击保护车辆)都被小型警察部门所使用。
警察拥有军事装备和武器不再依赖于任何一个政府计划,而是成为了警察自我认知的一部分。
装备带来的是一种心态的变化,大多数警察表示这种变化使他们更加积极、自信,也可能更加暴力。
警察知道自己的形象让公众感到害怕,但他们似乎并不在意。
虽然在某些情况下,如2016年奥兰多脉冲夜总会枪击事件中,军事装备的使用是有益的,但这些情况通常是例外。
这些装备大多仍由SWAT队伍用于执行与毒品相关的搜查令,其中超过一半是无需敲门的搜查令。
军事和警察应该服务于不同的目的,当警察自视为士兵时,这种区别可能会变得模糊。
Transcripts
This was a protest near the White House, on June 1st.
"It has been an entirely peaceful protest..."
It was met by forces with helmets, riot shields, rifles...
and tear gas.
The authorities here were a mix of police and military:
There were Secret Service, Park Police, the National Guard, Prison Special Operations,
and local police from a nearby county.
But can you tell which ones are the police?
If it’s hard to tell — it’s these guys by the way —
it’s because America’s police have been looking more and more like troops.
"Get in the house!"
(screams)
So why do American police officers look like soldiers?
And where did they get all these weapons?
"Don’t shoot!
This was a peaceful protest!"
In the 1980s, police in America looked more like this.
The US’s crime rate had been doing this.
And President Reagan called for the military to work more directly with the police
for the War on Drugs.
"Drugs are menacing our society."
"We must move to strengthen law enforcement activities."
Congress agreed, and over the next few years passed a series of bills:
To give police access to military bases and equipment,
for the National Guard to assist police with drug operations,
for the military and police to train together,
and eventually, to have the military loan police departments their excess,
leftover equipment, for free.
This would become known as the 1033 program.
Police departments got assault rifles like M16s, armored trucks, and even grenade launchers.
And before long, it started to have an effect on how police… police.
We can see that in the number of times SWAT teams were used.
Departments that had deployed them about once a month in the 80s
were using them more than 80 times a year by 1995.
Almost all of these deployments were for drug-related search warrants,
usually forced-entry searches called “no knock warrants.”
The police were becoming militarized, and people noticed.
This 1997 article said it made police look like “an occupying army.”
In February of 1997, two men robbed a bank in North Hollywood, Los Angeles.
They had automatic rifles and body armor.
The police didn’t.
By the time it ended, a dozen police officers were injured.
In the aftermath of the shootout, California police demanded they be equipped
with assault rifles, like the AR-15.
But so did police in places from Florida to Connecticut.
And that same year, the 1033 program was expanded, dropping a requirement that police departments
use the equipment for drug-related enforcement.
Now any law enforcement, even university police, could access leftover military weapons,
for any reason.
A retired police chief in Connecticut told the New York Times, “I was offered tanks,
bazookas, anything I wanted.”
Because complete records on these loans weren’t kept until 2015,
we don’t know exactly how much equipment was given out in those early years.
But we do have data on how much of it police departments still have,
from each year it was given out.
And you can see a steady growth in the program for most of the 90s and 2000s.
And then something happens around here.
“The rest of our troops in Iraq will come home by the end of the year.”
In 2011, the US military formally withdrew its troops from Iraq.
That meant the military had a lot of equipment, and one less war to use it on.
So it became available to the police.
This is a Mine Resistant Ambush Protected Vehicle, or MRAP.
It’s among the most controversial equipment given out under the 1033 program.
And we know from the data that police departments still have several hundred of them
that they got in 2013 and 2014.
But none from 2015.
That’s because in August of 2014, the 1033 Program became national news.
"We just said 'hands up, don’t shoot,' and they just started shooting!"
A police officer in Ferguson, Missouri, had shot and killed an unarmed black teenager
named Michael Brown.
Afterwards, the community’s protests were met by heavily militarized police,
who pointed sniper rifles at them as they marched.
"Tear gas and armored tanks became a familiar sight in Ferguson, Missouri."
"The police departments around the country have been getting a lot of this type of equipment..."
President Obama responded with an executive order curbing the 1033 Program.
"We’ve seen how militarized gear can sometimes give people a feeling like there’s an occupying force,
as opposed to a force that’s part of the community that’s protecting them and serving them."
Two years later, President Trump’s administration reversed that.
"We will not put superficial concerns above public safety."
But by that point, the 1033 Program had become a lot less important anyway.
This chart shows that by 2016, most MRAPs loaned out by the military
went to smaller police departments.
That means when larger cities today have MRAPs and other military gear,
it’s often because they’ve bought it themselves.
And that’s because police having military gear and weapons
no longer depends on any one government program.
It’s now a part of how police see themselves.
The thing that I think is really important is, with that equipment comes a certain mentality.
This is Arthur Rizer.
He’s a former military police officer, former civilian police officer,
and now studies police militarization.
A big part of his research is about that mentality.
And he shared a poll he did of police officers with us.
I asked officers,
do you have any problem with police officers routinely on patrol,
carrying military-grade equipment, or dressing in military type of uniforms?
And the vast majority of those officers told me, "no, I have no problem with that."
And then the second question I asked is,
do you think it changes the way that officers feel about themselves and their role in policing?
And the vast majority officers, again, said "yes."
And what they said was, it makes them more aggressive, more assertive,
and it can make them more violent.
And then finally, I asked them,
how do you think the public perceives you?
And the vast majority said,
"it scares them."
They know that it scares the public.
They know that it makes them more aggressive or more assertive.
And that can be dangerous.
But they don't seem to care.
There are definitely times when it's been more clearly beneficial
for the police to have this equipment.
For example, during the Pulse Nightclub shooting in 2016,
Orlando police used an armored military vehicle to stop the shooter.
But those moments tend to be the exception.
Today, this equipment is still mostly used by SWAT teams for executing drug-related search warrants.
And more than half of those are still no-knock warrants,
the kind that Louisville police were executing when they killed Breonna Taylor.
And in the case of the Ferguson protests,
the Department of Justice found that the heavily militarized presence
“served to escalate rather than de-escalate the overall situation.”
The military, and the police, are supposed to serve different purposes.
A military protects an “us” from a “them.”
A police officer is supposed to be part of the “us.”
But when police think of themselves as soldiers, that can change.
What is a police officer going to do with an assault rifle when he's facing a protest?
When you give someone a hammer, why are you surprised that everything looks like a nail to them?
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