Does the economy matter to the far right? | Business Beyond

Summary

2024年の世界最大の選挙年を背景に、世界中の支持を集める極右政党が台頭しています。経済は彼らの人気にどのような役割を果たしているのでしょうか。経済低迷や衰退する分野からの投票者からの支持を集めており、経済不安が独裁的・民衆主義政党の支持を高める要因となっています。しかし、経済政策自体が極右政党の支持を動かす主な要因ではないと指摘する専門家もいます。彼らは、文化的・社会的価値観、特に移民問題などの文化的な問題が、経済問題を超越した重要な要素であると語ります。一方、ビジネスリーダーは極右政権による経済への影響について懸念を示しており、EUからの離脱を求める政党はビジネスにとって損害を与えると指摘しています。経済危機が起きた場合、極右政党はその場に強い立場を占めることができると諸問題が浮上しています。

Takeaways

• 🗳️ 2024年は世界で最も重要な選挙年であり、多くの選挙では極右派が支持を集めています。
• 🌏 極右派は世界中の多くの地域で勢力を拡大しており、特にヨーロッパでは多くの国民議会で重要な足holdsを築き、一部はすでに政権を握っています。
• 💼 経済は極右派の支持を獲得する要因の一つであり、経済的な見通しが低い層や衰退している分野の人々からの票を獲得しています。
• 🎖️ 経済不安定な人々にとって、経済は独裁的・民謡主義政党の重要性を高める要因です。
• 🏭 経済は極右派にとって文化戦争の延長として扱われており、経済復興の約束が支持を集める手段とされています。
• 🤔 ビジネスリーダーは極右派政権の見通しについて懸念を示しており、EU離脱などの政策がビジネスに損害を与える可能性があります。
• 🏛️ 「極右派」という言葉の正確性について議論があり、経済政策よりも文化問題に関する立場が極右派を特徴付けています。
• 🌈 文化的な価値観、人権、移民などの問題は極右派政党を支持する選挙者の動機となっており、経済政策よりも重要視されています。
• 📊 経済指標は極右派政党が勢力を持ちやすい場所を予測する指標とはならないと見なされています。
• 🏗️ 経済危機後の10年間で極右派は成長しましたが、2015年の難民危機が彼らの現在的地位を築いたとされています。
• 🌐 反グローバリゼーションは極右派運動の共通の主張の一つであり、経済保護主義につながることもあります。
• 🏭 産業復興の約束は極右派支持層にとって魅力的であり、旧産業地帯の人々がその主張に共感しています。
• 🇪🇺 ヨーロッパ連合に対する反発は極右派運動の一般的な主張ですが、一部の政党はEUからの離脱ではなく、EUを変えるという姿勢を示しています。
• 📊 経済政策に関しては、極右派政党は国内の議題に応じて異なる主張を持っていますが、グローバリゼーションに反対する点で一致しています。
• 🚫 ビジネス界は極右派政党の経済政策に懸念を持ち、彼らが政権を握ると経済に悪影響を与えると警戒しています。
• 🔄 しかし、経済危機が起きた場合、極右派政党は支持を広げることができますが、現在のヨーロッパでは雇用と福祉の状況は安定しています。

Q & A

2024年はなぜ世界で最も重要な選挙年とされていますか？

2024年は世界史の中で最も重要な選挙年とされています。これは、多くの人々の投票が極右派政党に支持を集めているという大きな選挙が行われるためです。

極右派政党が経済面でどのような影響を与えているとされていますか？

極右派政党は経済面での影響を与える一方で、経済面が彼らの人気に寄与しているとされています。経済的な見通しが低い層や衰退している分野の人々からの票を獲得していると報告されています。

経済学は極右派政党の人気にどのような役割を果たしていますか？

経済学は極右派政党の人気に重要な役割を果たしていますが、特に経済的に不安定な人々にとっては、権威主義的・民衆主義政党の重要性を高める要因となっています。

極右派政党は経済に関する何を主張していますか？

極右派政党は経済に関する様々な主張を持っており、経済を文化戦争の延長として扱っているとされています。彼らは経済を通じて国家主義や社会保守主義を強化する策略を用いています。

ビジネスリーダーは極右派政党による政府に対してどのような考えを持っていますか？

ビジネスリーダーは極右派政党による政府に対して懸念を示しており、経済的な影響がビジネスに有害であると感じています。例えば、EUからの離脱を主張する政党はビジネスにとって有害だと考えられています。

「遠い右派」という言葉の意味は何であり、なぜ誤解を招く可能性がありますか？

「遠い右派」という言葉は、国家主義、強硬な反移民情绪、歐州疑問主義を結びつける政党を指しますが、現代の複雑な政治状況においては誤解を招く可能性があります。経済に関する従来の左と右の区別は、文化的問題に関する新しい分離に取って代わられつつあるためです。

経済政策は極右派政党とその支持者を動機づけていますか？

経済政策は極右派政党とその支持者をある程度動機づけていますが、文化的問題がより重要な役割を果たしています。経済政策は彼らにとって重要な問題ではありますが、移民や性別アイデンティティなどの他の問題と比べると、政治化された程度は低いとされています。

移民と経済はどのように関連していますか？

移民は経済問題と関連しており、北欧の一部の国々では経済的成長と福利国家主義が移民と関連して極右派政党の支持を強化する要因となっています。しかし、経済インジケーター自体は極右派政党がどこで強いかを予測する指標にはなりません。

極右派政党が経済に関する何を主張していますか？

極右派政党は経済に関する様々な主張を持っており、グローバリゼーションに強い反対意見を示したり、国家の自己完結性や古い産業復興への懐古的な希望を示す傾向があります。

ビジネスは極右派政党の経済政策にどのように反応していますか？

ビジネスは極右派政党の経済政策に懸念を示しており、多くのビジネスリーダーが彼らの政権獲得に反対しています。経済保護主義や経済国家主義への転向は、輸出指向企業にとって利益ではありません。

経済危機が極右派政党にどのような影響を与える可能性がありますか？

経済危機が極右派政党に影響を与える可能性があり、雇用と福利国家の提供能力が脅かされることで彼らは支持を集めることができます。しかし、現在の雇用率が低いと福利国家の構造が強いことで、過去の経済危機と異なります。

現在の時代において「経済がばかげている」というフレーズは適切ですか？

現在の時代においては、「経済がばかげている」というフレーズは適切ではないかもしれません。文化的問題が極右派政党の支持を集める重要な要素であり、文化的問題がより重要な政治的警句となっています。

Outlines

00:00

🗳️ 2024年の選挙と経済

2024年は世界で最も重要な選挙年であり、何億人もの投票者が遠右派政党に支持を寄せている。経済は彼ら人気を集める要因の一つであるが、特に経済的将来が不透明な層や衰退している分野の人々からの票を獲得している。遠右派は経済を文化戦争の延長として利用しており、経済政策について語ることも少なくないが、彼らは経済を通じて国家主義や自己完結性、旧産業の復活を主張している。

05:02

🌐 経済成長と移民問題

経済成長が強い国々においても遠右政党が台頭している。特に移民問題は経済問題と関連しており、北方ヨーロッパの国々では高水準の移民と福祉制度に対する国家主義的な感情が遠右政党を支持する要因となっている。経済的なインジケーターは遠右政党がどこで強力になるかを予測する指標とはならないが、選挙の勝利には経済的背景だけでなく多様な社会経済的背景を持つ支持層が関与している。

10:03

🛑 反グローバリゼーションと経済政策

遠右政党はグローバリゼーションに強い反対意見を示しており、経済的自己完結性や旧産業の復活を提唱している。アメリカのトランプ大統領やフランスのマリーヌ・レペンなど、彼らはグローバリゼーションを批判し、経済的な自己完結性や国家主義を重視する。また、EUへの強い反対意見も見られるが、一部の政党はEUから脱退するのではなく、EUを変革することを目指している。

15:05

🇩🇪 ドイツのafdと経済政策

afdはドイツで最も人気のある政党の一つであり、経済政策にはVATの削減、税金の増加しない方針、ドイツ税制の見直し、ユーロ圏からの離脱などを主張している。しかし、批判意見では、これらの政策が富裕層に有利で貧困層には不利益になると指摘している。ビジネス側からは、特に国際市場に依存する企業からはafdへの警戒感が強い。

20:05

🏭 経済危機と遠右政党の台頭

1920年代と2020年代の経済状況を比較し、現在のヨーロッパでは雇用状況が良好で福祉制度も強化されているが、経済危機が起きた場合、遠右政党はその危機を利用して支持を広げることができる可能性がある。経済危機が遠右政党の台頭につながる恐れがあるが、現在の経済状況では雇用と福祉の保障があるため、遠右政党が支持を得るには文化的議題がより重要な役割を果たしている。

Keywords

💡遠右政党

遠右政党とは、国家主義的かつ反移民の姿勢を強調する政治勢力を指します。このビデオでは、ヨーロッパにおいて特に勢力を拡大しているとされており、経済問題よりも文化やアイデンティティに関する議論に重点を置いています。例えば、フランスの国民集会党やオランダの自由党が挙げられます。

💡経済的不安定

経済的不安定は、遠右政党が支持を得る背景にある要因の一つです。ビデオでは、経済的な見通しが低い人々がこれらの政党に投票する傾向があると指摘しています。経済的な衰退や失業などの経済指標が、遠右政党が支持を得る場所を予測する指標とはならないと同時に、経済的不安定感が政治的ポピュリズムにつながるとも述べています。

💡文化戦争

文化戦争は、遠右政党が支持を得るもう一つの重要な要素です。経済政策よりも、移民や性別アイデンティティ、人権といった文化的な問題が彼らにとって重要な議題であり、これらの問題を通じて支持層を動員しているとビデオでは説明されています。

💡権威主義

権威主義は、遠右政党が支持を得る背景にある政治的傾向です。ビデオでは、権威主義的な政党が国民のプライドや国家への愛着を利用して支持を集めていると述べています。彼らは経済を文化戦争の延長として利用していると分析されています。

💡反グローバリゼーション

反グローバリゼーションは、遠右政党が提唱する経済政策の核心です。ビデオでは、アメリカのドナルド・トランプ大統領が選挙戦でグローバリゼーションを批判し、その反対を支持者層に訴求した例が挙げられています。

💡経済的自己完済

経済的自己完済は、遠右政党が提唱する経済モデルです。ビデオでは、遠右政党が国家の黄金時代に戻り、各国が独自の決定を下すことができる時代を懐かしがっていると説明しています。これは経済的自己完済の考え方と関連しており、国際貿易に依存しない経済を目指しているといえます。

💡経済危機

経済危機は、遠右政党が支持を得る可能性を高める要因です。ビデオでは、1920年代と比較して、現在のヨーロッパでは失業率が低く、社会福祉が強化されていると指摘していますが、経済危機が起きた場合、遠右政党がその機会を利用する可能性があると警告しています。

💡ビジネスリーダー

ビジネスリーダーは、遠右政党の経済政策に対する懸念を表明しています。ビデオでは、ビジネスリーダーが遠右政党の政策が経済的繁栄に有害であると感じており、国際市場に依存するビジネスにとって彼らの政策は脅威であると述べています。

💡労働陳兵

労働陳兵は、遠右政党が支持を得る背景にありますが、ビデオでは現在のヨーロッパでは労働力不足が問題となっており、これは遠右政党の支持を高める要因とは逆説的です。企業は人手不足に悩まされており、これは経済成長と雇用を維持する上で重要な問題です。

💡社会分断

社会分断は、遠右政党が支持を得る背景にある社会現象です。ビデオでは、遠右政党が文化的な価値観やアイデンティティに関する議論を通じて、社会的に分断された層を動員していると分析しています。

Highlights

2024年是全球历史上最重要的选举年，数十亿选民中有很多人支持所谓的极右翼政党。

极右翼政党在欧洲许多国家议会中占有重要地位，有些甚至已经掌权。

经济因素在推动极右翼政党的流行中扮演了什么角色？

极右翼政党成功地从经济前景较差的选民那里获得选票。

经济不安全感增强了这些威权民粹主义政党的显著性。

极右翼政党如何谈论经济？例如承诺恢复矿工的工作。

商业领袖对极右翼政府的前景感到担忧。

“极右翼”一词在当今经常被使用，但它的确切含义是什么？

欧洲议会中的一些政党被标记为极右翼，它们通常具有民族主义、强烈反移民情绪和欧洲怀疑主义。

政治学家Pip Anaris认为“极右翼”这个术语已经过时，不再准确。

文化问题而非经济问题正在推动对这些政党的支持。

移民问题特别显示了文化而非经济是激励选民支持这些政党的因素。

北欧一些经济表现相对强劲的国家也出现了反移民政党的成功。

一些极右翼支持者将移民与经济问题联系起来，表现出福利沙文主义。

经济指标并不能决定极右翼政党的强势地区。

极右翼政党的支持者来自不同的社会经济背景。

2015年的难民危机是推动极右翼政党在欧洲占据显著地位的催化剂。

极右翼政党在谈论经济时，通常反对全球化，并倡导国家自给自足。

反对全球化与怀旧情绪和恢复旧工业的承诺相联系。

极右翼运动中的反全球化反弹现在已经成为主流。

极右翼政党对欧盟的强烈反对意味着对自由贸易的干扰。

德国选择党（AfD）是德国第二大受欢迎的政党，但被争议所困扰。

德国商业领袖普遍反对AfD，担心其政策会损害经济繁荣。

极右翼政党与商业之间存在模糊的关系，但面向出口的公司通常对经济保护主义和民族主义持怀疑态度。

极右翼政党在欧洲的崛起引发了对20世纪20年代和30年代的担忧，当时经济危机帮助法西斯统治上台。

目前，极右翼政党在欧洲和其他地方因文化问题而非经济问题而蓬勃发展。

文化而非经济问题更能激发极右翼政党的基本支持者的热情。

经济问题虽然也是极右翼政党主题的一部分，但并非主流主题。

极右翼的崛起表明，对于当前这个分裂的时代，文化问题可能比经济问题更重要。

Transcripts

2024 is the biggest election year in

Global

history and many of the several billion

voters casting ballots are throwing

their support behind the so-called far

right the far right has gained ground in

many parts of the world particularly in

Europe across the continent farri

parties have a significant foothold in

many national parliaments and some are

already in

power but what role has economics played

in driving their popular

it they've been very success successful

in um in recruiting votes from voters

with lower economic prospects um in jobs

and sectors generally in Decline those

economics matter of course what it

really does particularly for those who

are insecure is it drives a lot of the

salience of these authoritarian populist

parties what do the parties themselves

say about the

economy you watch what happened if I win

we're going to bring those miners back

you're going to be so proud of your

president you're going to be so proud of

your

country in a sense that the economy is

for them basically an extension of the

culture war and how do Business Leaders

feel about the prospect of governments

led by the far right if a party like the

RFD says we need to get out of the

European Union we're against the

European Union this is very harmful to

my business answers to these questions

and more for on business

Beyond we hear the term far right a lot

nowadays you're going to hear it a lot

in this episode but what does it

actually mean and is it the right term

to

use in the EU political parties

Affiliated to a group in the European

Parliament called identity and democracy

are routinely labeled as far right some

of the themes which bind them

nationalism strong anti-immigration

sentiment and euroskepticism

so we're talking about parties such as

France's national

rally the Netherlands party for Freedom

along with several others across the EU

many designate Italy's Prime Minister

Georgia Malone and hungary's prime

minister Victor Orban as far right it's

also used for Germany's afd Donald Trump

and the Maga movement in the US and at

times even with the conservative party

in the

UK what some experts say the term far

right doesn't work anymore one is the

political scientist pip anaris from

Harvard University I try to avoid it

basically because I don't think it's

very accurate it's an oldfashioned term

because Europeans used to think of

everything in Left Right ever since the

French Revolution and that made some

sense when you had uh Conservative

Christian democrats and you had social

Democrats and socialist parties nowadays

it's more

complicated she thinks classic Left

Right divides over the economy are

gradually being superseded Ed by a split

over cultural issues and it's a wide

range of issues on issues like for

example abortional Reproductive Rights

lgbtq rights nationalism versus

cosmopolitanism human rights versus a

sense of a strong state it helps explain

why you're probably more likely to hear

politicians like Donald Trump or vikor

Orban decrying the so-called woke agenda

than discussing Economic Policy some

people again talk about populism which

is a very vague term but really it's

about the values about the moral issues

and the social issues which divide

society and classically of course that

includes immigration in Europe but many

other issues that go along that but I

think nowadays the idea that there's a

simple unidimensional Left Right

spectrum is more misleading and confuses

more than actually helps us to

understand why these parties appeal to

to a wide variety of different uh voters

let's drill a little deeper into this

idea that it is culture rather than the

economy which has driven support for

these parties Philip rthb is a lecturer

at the University of Edinburgh and he

has studied farri right parties in

detail I asked him to what extent

Economic Policy motivates these parties

and their voters so they had their first

electional breakthroughs in the 80s and

the

1990s and that was a context where the

economy was very much

depoliticized in the sense that there

was a market conforming consensus and

economically liberal consensus that

depoliticized the economy and thereby

open the door for the politicization of

other issues that is immigration Asylum

gender identity and these are the issues

on which these parties are are in a good

position to mobilize that's their their

territory that's their home tur if you

will pip andaris says the issue of

immigration in particular shows how it

is culture rather than economics which

motivates voters to support these

parties she points to the success of

anti-immigrant parties in EU countries

where the economy has performed

relatively strongly over recent

decades think about the countries which

have had uh tremendous um economic

growth and um a fairly generous welfare

state think about Sweden think about

Denmark think about the Netherlands and

think about Germany and all of those are

ones which weren't that affected by the

Euro crisis in all of these countries I

just mentioned in the affluent north of

Europe there's been a strong party which

has emerged in each case however

immigration is still connected to

economic issues for some farri

supporters in northern Europe they they

don't go against um foreign Goods

because they have export surpluses they

they don't go against foreign Capital

because they they they have a a solid

loyal uh employe and business class but

they go against foreign people in the

sense that what they mobilize on is

welfare chauvinism because these

countries they have relatively high

levels of immigration but also

relatively high levels of welfare so

here the Nationalist impulse goes

against welfare entitlements for

foreigners but the experts we spoke to

believe that economic indicators do not

determine where the far Rite will be

strong economic uh inequality at the

objective level measured by for example

inflation jobs or unemployment or other

indicators such as uh GDP growth or GDP

levels does not predict where you see

these parties emerging but are there

still economic factors which determine

why certain voters go with the far right

after the brexit and Trump votes in 2016

a common narrative was that it was

disenfranchised poorer voters who had

secured the paths to Victory there

certainly is a correlation um but we

should also not underestimate to what

extent why doing populism is attractive

to not only sort of the lower income or

de-industrialized

that's lyanna fix a historian and

political scientist and she says it's

important to note that farri parties

pick up support from voters of various

socioeconomic backgrounds crunching down

the numbers there also there's also

significant support for Whitewing

parties that comes from middle class

sort of higher middle class and also not

underestimate that um you know it's it's

not the fault of the poor who are only

working for the populists or voting for

the populists or for the extremists

they're also other voter

um other voters that that are attracted

um by these parties these voters are not

the poor um so the poor either they vote

for the left or they don't vote at all

um so the the poor have really a low

level of of of

turnout and so what the radic WR uh is

that their electoral stronghold is

rather among the lower middle class and

working class while many farri parties

grew in the decade which followed the

global financial crisis those we spoke

to believe it was the refugee crisis of

2015 which ultimately drove them to

their current positions of prominence in

Europe at

least I mean it was after that in 2015

that we could see an electoral

breakthrough of the IFD in Germany um of

the Sweden Democrats Sweden of um vo in

Spain of shga uh in Portugal I think the

the the the um the financial crisis led

to a broader decline of of the political

mainstream in favor of the left and the

right whereas the refugee crisis was was

uh was a catalyst for for the radical

right more specifically as we could see

the rise of radical right parties that

didn't really exist or that were Fringe

parties before the refugee crisis but

when these parties do speak about the

economy what do they say they obviously

don't all speak with one voice and they

have their own domestic agendas but

there are some areas where they they

tend to agree and one is a strong

opposition to

globalization during his successful 2016

US presidential election campaign Donald

Trump tapped into apparent voter

frustration around a globalized

economy our politicians have

aggressively pursued a policy of

globalization moving our jobs our wealth

and our factories to Mexico and overseas

globalization has made the financial who

donate to

politicians very very wealthy I used to

be one of

them others such as Francis Marine Leen

have used the word globalization as a

catchall term to reflect many of what

she sees as societies

ills the political choice that the

French people will have to make is clear

Mr M is the candid of uberization wild

globalization insecurity social

brutality the war of all against all the

economic ransacking of our large

corporations lyanna fix says the

backlash against globalization has now

become quite mainstream but that the

idea Chimes strongly with an economic

idea Central to farri right movements

National

self-sufficiency the criticism that the

Whitewing makes is linked to a more

cultural idea of well why don't we go

back back to the Golden Age which has

never existed of the nation state where

every country can decide whatever they

want to do from the themselves is not

dependent on other countries and that is

obviously an illusion that age has never

really existed um International Trade

always played an important role for any

nation state but being opposed to

globalization goes well with another

thread common to far right movements

Nostalgia for old industry and a pledge

to bring it back there's a host of

research showing how these voters um low

and middle class working class have

experienced um status anxieties in the

sense that they are in jobs that come

under pressure from

de-industrialization from technological

change from globalization Trump himself

said he was going to stand for the coal

miners of Virginia and for the Rust Belt

in Michigan and to some extent that did

play with his base and people often said

well look he probably can't restore

manufacturing industry but at least he

speaks for us he speaks for our concerns

another part of the anti-globalization

backlash among farri right movements is

opposition to

multilateralism in Europe that typically

means Fierce opposition to the EU there

used to be an agreement for example

about Europe the benefits of the being

in the European Union and there was very

little question about that the idea was

you'd have free markets in the European

Union and you'd have basically a

different standards as well that could

be set um and could be regulated within

that since the 2016 brexit Vault various

far-right parties in Europe have flirted

with anti-eu positions although some

notice is softening since the turbulence

of the UK's

exit not all far parties in Europe

demand for example the end of the

European Union Georg milone for instance

has adapted her her her approach and is

trying to change the European Union from

in and seems to be much more mainstream

than what was expected Marine Leen in

France also has sted the Ric against

leave the WWI in favor of leaving the

European Union but in sort of arguing

for a new European Union One party whose

anti-eu position has not softened much

is Germany's alternative for Deutschland

or the afd currently the second most

popular party in the country going by

opinion polls that party was founded in

2013 in response to the Eurozone

crisis understandably it has fiercely

euroskeptic Roots which it has held on

to while it's also developing a broader

nationalistic anti-immigration

philosophy they are still explicitly

radicalizing and have sort of not toned

down the language both towards the

European Union the afd still regularly

touts the prospect of a referendum on

Germany's EU membership it also wants

the country to leave the euro currency

area and those positions haven't harmed

the party's

popularity since July 2022 support for

the afd and Nationwide opinion polls

more than doubled to a high of 22% in

January 2024 that's come down by a few

points since but the party is currently

the second most popular in

Germany but the afd is beset by

controversy they are officially

designated as a suspected extremist

organization this year there have been

huge protests calling for them to be

banned one of the main reasons was a

secret meeting the party was involved in

last November with several right-wing

extremists among the reported topics a

plan for the mass deportation of

foreigners and even German citizens with

a foreign

background the controversies have even

led to the afd been ostracized by others

on the European far right they were

recently kicked out of the European

Parliament grouping for far-right

parties due to comments made by one of

their leading candidates for that

Parliament which appeared to play Down

Nazi war crimes the afd is becoming ever

more radicalized whereas other far

parties in Europe are become trying to

become more mainstream and therefore to

appeal to more voters we asked the afd

for an interview about their economic

policies and while the party did offer

us the chance to speak with one of their

MEPS they wanted to approve any answers

we used after the interview when we

instead sent a list of questions to the

party press office a spokesperson

responded we just don't feel comfortable

talking to

DW the party lists many of its key

economic policies on its website among

their most prominent positions reduce

vat and don't increase taxes overhaul

the German tax system and leave the Euro

Zone the party's parliamentary working

group on the economy says the following

the afd Parliamentary group stands for

the social market economy it is the

basis of German prosp it and thus our

social

cohesion we see it as our task to make

the social market economy future

proof but critics say their economic

policies would not benefit their voters

their policies actually translated would

mean that um the rich will get richer

and the poor will get poor and that is

quite surprising that um although

official sort of policies and

declarations would actually not favor

those who feel um left behind by the

economy they sort of through other

topics like immigration and so on they

still appeal to those voters who don't

seem to take a close look at what

exactly those economic policies policies

policies will lead to and parties like

the afd have a big problem when it comes

to the economy by and large business

says it doesn't want them in power a

recent survey from the German economic

Institute which pulled around 900

companies found that 75% of business

Executives in Germany are openly opposed

to the

party Ramona Miner is one such business

owner who sees the afd as a direct

threat to Germany's economic Prosperity

she's the owner and managing director of

Aer a medium-sized manufacturing

Enterprise in the southern state of

Bavaria if there's a party that that for

example like the afd says okay we should

get out of the European Union or the

euro is a bad idea it would really

really harm my business on that one side

but on the other side also as I'm

dependent on the international markets

like for selling my products but also

for bringing

International or workers with

International background to Germany you

have or we have to make sure that this

wonderful country is is really is is

pictured in the right way also abroad

she also thinks the afd's rhetoric on

migrants makes Germany a less appealing

place for people from abroad to come and

work in a problem given Germany's much

publicized labor

shortages it's getting harder and harder

to really find the yeah enough people to

to be able to to keep growing which at

the end of the day is so important for

my business and yeah so

it's it's unbelievably important that

that we we show Germany to to other

countries and people in other countries

as the wonderful country that it is so

and and then to show them that that

they're welcome here and and to make

sure that we integrate them and and that

they have a chance to really build their

future in this this country farri right

parties have faced resistance from

business elsewhere but in the case of

money in Italy and Orban in Hungary they

have also found ways to work with

business and business has found ways to

work with them so there is an ambiguous

relationship with business on the one

hand and business May well side with a

radical right when it comes to Taxation

and when it comes to

welfare if we look uh to Hungary um what

what Orban did was to introduce a flat

tax um the Lega wants to introduce a

flat tax they can't for fiscal reasons

um money wants to uh lower taxes and

lowered also minimum income scheme um in

the interest of business yet

internationally oriented companies are

always likely to a problem with farri

movements as the afd are finding

out they feel uneasy about the rise of

the radical right in the sense that what

these parties do and and and Trump is

perhaps the key example in this regard

is to disrupt free trade by um

stimulating a turn towards economic

protectionism and economic nationalism

which is not in the interest of export

oriented companies the rise of the

faride in Europe has raised the Spectre

of the 1920s and 1930 I ities when

economic crises such as unemployment and

hyperinflation helped bring in fascist

rule but there are two key differences

between the economies of the 1920s and

the 2020s employment and Welfare well

inflation is still high surprisingly we

have rather a labor problem in Europe so

unemployment is very low um and

companies are really searching for uh uh

for for for labor so that is a big

difference here um the other example the

other difference to that historical

period is that sort of social welfare

structures in Europe are very strong um

and there was a big pandemic support

package that tried to make sure both for

companies but also for individual

citizens that try to make sure to

prevent exactly this sort of sliding

down into unemployment sliding down into

economic crisis and then to a

radicalization however if an economic

crisis were to emerge that threatened

employment and the capacity of states to

provide welfare farri parties are well

placed to

capitalize that's obviously a nightmare

that is haunting many politicians today

that an economic crisis or even an

economic downturn not as big as the

economic crisis in 1929 could repeat

itself and could lead to the rise of um

wiing parties since Europe for now farri

right parties in Europe and elsewhere

are thriving on issues away from the

economy and when you look at um their

rhetoric yes many of the economic issues

are part of their themes but they're not

really the mainstream theme um uh in

many many cases it's the cultural issues

which is where they have their bread and

butter where they have issue ownership

where they really manage to uh stir up

passions and stir up their base support

which become loyalists in that in

towards those parties there's a famous

phrase attributed to the American

political strategist James Carville the

economy stupid which means that it's the

economy which matters most to voters

even when that's not always readily

apparent the rise of the far right

suggests that it's the culture stupid

maybe a more appropriate political

aphorism for our present age of Discord

and division not that the economy will

ever be too far away

either that's all from this episode of

business beyond for more from us check

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description thanks for watching and

until the next time take care