Why Voting in This U.S. Election Will Not Be Equal | 2020 Elections

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Transcripts

“Seven hours, 45 minutes, and 13 seconds

it took for me to vote in Fulton County, Ga.

As soon as I saw the line, I hit the stopwatch

on my phone.

I spent the first couple hours listening to a new

Run the Jewels album.

And then I ended up listening to the entire discography.

And then I started watching season eight of

‘Curb Your Enthusiasm.’

And that’s five hours.

It was one o’clock in the morning,

and somebody was like, ‘Hey, y’all remember we came

to vote yesterday, right?’”

“Look at it.”

When it comes time to vote in November, would

you rather stand in a line like this …

“Somebody please help us.

We are at our polling place

in Atlanta, Fickett Elementary School.

The systems are down.”

… or like this?

“Oh look, there’s no line.

There’s no line at all out here

in suburban white country.”

Seven years ago, a controversial Supreme Court

ruling struck down a key part of the Voting Rights Act.

“If you hear me, the voting machines were not working.”

And after that, many states passed

laws that ended up making it harder for people of color

to vote.

“We have all these barriers that aren’t

in place for other people.

It’s 2020.

Why is it this difficult for someone to go to and vote?”

To understand why, we go to Georgia.

“I think Georgia has become a kind of hotbed for

voting rights questions.”

“How voting takes place has become

one of the most explosive issues in Georgia.

Georgia is the largest state by landmass east

of the Mississippi River.

It’s dominated by the reality of Atlanta.

It’s multicultural.

It’s growing.

It's dynamic, this sort of throbbing megalopolis

where you’re seeing Democrats in large numbers.

And then beyond these urban centers,

you have a much more traditional, rural Georgia,

where you have seen a massive shift of white voting

behavior from conservative Democrat

to full-on Republican.”

Georgia has historically been a pretty conservative state, but

as it becomes more culturally and racially diverse …

“In this presidential election,

there is some thought that Democrats have a shot here.”

… but one fact still remains.

“Republicans control the State House.

Republicans control the Legislature,

and they are free, frankly, to implement the

voting laws they see fit.”

As Republicans fight to remain in control of the state,

some say it’s no longer a fight over who

people vote for, but who is allowed to vote.

The U.S. Commission on Civil Rights,

an independent federal agency, says

these are the five most common voter suppression tactics.

They happen across the country,

but the only state that has ticked every box is Georgia.

“The term voter suppression —”

“Voter suppression.”

“Voter suppression.”

“Voter suppression.”

”— embedded in that word is the very question of what

the motivation is for these kinds of laws

and procedures.”

“The Republican argument, that they say,

is that they are worried about voter security.

They are worried about voter fraud.”

“Voter fraud is all too common.”

“We don’t have evidence of that.”

“And then they criticize us for saying that.”

“Federal law actually requires us to make sure

that we keep our voter rolls updated, clean, fresh

and accurate.”

Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger

is Georgia’s lead elections official.

It’s his job to maintain the state’s voter lists.

“Many people don’t realize that, nationwide, about 11 percent

of all people move every year.

And that’s why you want to update your voter rolls.

We just send notices out to people that haven’t voted

for a long period of time.”

“There’s an argument to be made that purging voter rolls

serves a legitimate purpose.

And that is to make sure that people are alive.

The counter-argument, of course,

is that these voter rolls in some states

are being aggressively purged by Republicans in an effort

to keep them from coming to the polls.”

In 2017, 560,000 voters were purged from Georgia’s

voter rolls.

A report later found that Black voters

were purged at a higher rate in more than half

of Georgia’s counties.

“This is happening in the context of the American

South, where there is a long and well-documented history

of using trickery.”

“The kind of Jim Crow-era — things like poll taxes —”

“— voting tests, literacy tests to keep people of color

away from the polls.”

“You know, it’s important to recognize

that, until the 1960s, African-Americans

were pretty much shut out of voting

in the state of Georgia.

That began to change when the Voting Rights Act

was passed in 1965.”

“Voting Rights Act of 1965 basically says that states

cannot make laws that infringe on people’s rights to vote.”

A key part of the law with something

called Section 5 preclearance, which said —

“States with a history of racist legislation cannot

make laws that infringe on people of color without

the federal government’s permission.”

After the Voting Rights Act passed in 1965,

the number of African-Americans

who registered to vote in Georgia doubled.

“It changed Southern politics.”

“At the most basic level, bigger participation

from Black Americans.”

And for a while, that’s how things went.

But …

“It’s not as if the South loved the preclearance.”

Many of the states felt it was an unfair burden, especially

when voter participation increased.

“What was true is that they, frankly,

couldn’t do much about it.”

Well, until a challenge to the law

brought the issue all the way to the Supreme Court.

Announcer: “— the 1965 Voting Rights Act.”

[crosstalk]

“Shelby v. Holder.”

Shelby v. Holder.

“I just get wound up when you ask me about voting rights.”

Here to help explain is Debo Adegbile,

the lawyer who argued that preclearance was

still necessary.

But the other side argued that the standards

used to measure discriminatory voting practices

were outdated.

In a 5 to 4 decision, the justices

ruled to strike down the preclearance, which

effectively meant that states could pass new voting laws

without federal oversight.

“So it was a resounding loss, and perhaps

one of the most significant civil rights

decisions of the United States Supreme Court

in recent memory.”

“The decision of Shelby took away

the federal government’s most effective tool

in regulating state voting rights.”

“After the Shelby decision, there

were almost immediate attempts to change the way voting works.”

Some states passed voting legislation just hours

after the ruling.

Alabama implemented new voter ID laws.

North Carolina eliminated seven days of early voting.

And the list goes on.

“Without the preclearance provision,

there were many, many elections

where those discriminatory laws affected our politics.”

Voting rights advocates say this

was a key ruling that had the power to impact

the outcome of an election.

And that’s what many believe happened in Georgia in 2018.

“The governor’s race in Georgia in 2018 was …”

“Bitter.”

“On one side, you had …”

“I’m Stacey Abrams, and I’m running for governor.

I have a boundless belief in Georgia’s future.”

“Her strategy was based on signing up people of color.

And then on the other side …”

“I’m Brian Kemp.”

“— because you’re a proud, hardcore Trump conservative

on spending, immigration and guns.”

“So you had a secretary of state,

who had come under criticism for voter suppression,

running the election that he’s in.”

“That puts them at odds.”

“We’ve seen jurisdictions consolidate and close precincts.

We’ve seen voter ID laws come into play.

There was a system in Georgia called Exact Match, where

if your information doesn’t 100 percent match databases

that the state uses, that you can be purged from the

voter rolls.

That tends to target people with ethnic names.

A lot of these new suppression schemes seem race-neutral,

but they have the same impact.”

“Georgia has 159 counties.”

“It’s a staggering number of counties.”

“And we are hearing reports from all over the state.”

[phones ringing]

“There was a county in Georgia called Randolph County.”

“Randolph County tried to close seven out of nine —”

“Seven out of the nine.”

“— polling places in a county that’s 60 percent Black.”

“Jeff Davis County polling location consolidations.

I mean, I should say that, like, this

could take a while.”

“Chatham County allowed the city of —”

[crosstalk]

“Fighting voter suppression is very

much like fighting a hydra.

You chop off one head, and three grows in its place.”

Here’s one impact: The 2017 Exact Match law prevented

53,000 Georgians from having their registrations accepted.

Nearly 70 percent were Black.

“The evidence is very clear to us

that the ones most impacted by these new laws

are Black Georgians, are people

in Democratic communities.”

All of this results in a contested election.

And then …

“But I’m here tonight to tell you,

votes remain to be counted.”

“Make no mistake, the math is on our side

to win this election.”

“So Brian Kemp squeaks out a victory.”

“And he is now the governor of Georgia.

It was two figures who have represented

the opposite sides of the voting rights argument.”

“The question that dogged Georgia throughout 2018

was whether or not these tactics

were fundamentally fair.”

“So what happened in 2018 really

is a preview, where democracy is under a stress test.”

One that may get even more stressed in the lead-up

to 2020, with the added elements

of coronavirus and a country on edge

after nationwide protests.

“If you want change in America,

go and register to vote.

Show up at the polls on June 9.”

In April, in response to the pandemic,

Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger

sent out absentee ballot applications

to nearly seven million registered voters

in an attempt to reduce in-person voting.

“And what that really has done is

it’s taken the pressure off it today,

so that instead of having those,

you know, million people that were voted absentee

show up today, we now have something

that is more manageable.”

But many of those absentee ballots were never delivered.

In Atlanta, this contributed to Election Day wait times

that were reminiscent of 2018 and 2016.

“We got here before six o’clock this morning.”

“Since six this morning.

It’s almost 9 a.m., and I have not moved.”

In Fulton County, Georgia’s largest, election director

Rick Barron had to contend with both

a 9,000 percent increase in absentee ballots,

and the rollout of a new voting machine system.

“We became an absentee-by-mail state.

We still had to do our full complement of

Election Day infrastructure.

We did our early-voting infrastructure.

And it stretched us.”

With many usual polling sites, like churches and schools,

dropping out because of the pandemic, an estimated 16,000

voters in Fulton County were redirected here,

to this restaurant, Park Tavern.

“Take a look behind me.

This is the Park Tavern precinct.”

“This polling place is serving multiple locations

that are supposed to be separate locations.”

And these problems stretched all across metro Atlanta.

“The impact of having problems at the voting

booth in high-density areas in Georgia

means that people of color are going to be

disproportionately affected.”

One study showed that in communities

where more than 90 percent of registered voters

were minorities, the average minimum wait time

at the polls was 51 minutes.

When whites made up more than 90 percent of voters,

it was just six minutes.

“So how are things running now?”

“Well, by and large, they’re running very smoothly

throughout the state, except, obviously, Fulton County has

had multiple failures.”

Each county in Georgia runs its own election,

with Georgia’s secretary of state as the top official.

But after the massive failures in the primary,

a blame game commenced.

“They should be embarrassed with their performance.”

“Whatever Secretary Raffensperger’s opinion is,

he’s the head election official in the state,

and he can’t wash his hands of all the responsibility.”

“In this environment, incompetence

does have the effect of voter suppression.”

Things would have looked different

before the Shelby decision.

Even in an emergency situation like

the pandemic, the implementation

of all of these changes —

new voting machines, poll place closures

and the absentee balloting — still would have required

federal oversight through Section 5 preclearance,

meaning voters of color would have had …

“A front-end protection that stops discrimination

before it can take root.

What we’ve lost with the Shelby County ruling is

that, now when changes are made to take account

of the public health crisis, they are not

being made toward, are those changes

harming minority voters.”

Which means …

“Your only option, now, is to go case by case,

to try and find every bad thing that’s happening

and try and figure out if you can bring a case to stop it.

That’s costly.

Litigation is slow.

Can they happen quickly enough in proximity

to an election to make a difference?”

“Voting rights and questions of voter suppression

are not limited to the South.

It’s happening in Texas, in Wisconsin, Ohio,

Pennsylvania, and other places.

The political power of 1776 to 1960

was one that excluded huge communities of people

in this country.

And so history tells us the same thing

the current day tells us.

If you are Black, brown in this country,

to exercise your democratic rights

is harder than if you are white.

It’s not just a foregone conclusion

that everyone who is an American gets to vote.”

“You know, this is America.

We can put a Tesla in space, but we can’t vote?

I mean, what do we think is going to happen in November?”

“This is Alex.”

“And I’m Kassie.”

“We produced this episode of Stressed Elections.”

“There’s a lot going on in this election,

and we want to make sure we take a deep dive

into the major issues.

So stick around for the next episodes.”

“We’re going to cover voting technology, disinformation

and voting by mail.”