The nature of the state in Pakistan (1947-1970), Part-1
Summary
TLDRThe lecture discusses the nature of the state in Pakistan from 1947 to 1971, focusing on the military-bureaucratic state and its role in shaping Pakistan's socio-political landscape. It examines class structures in West and East Pakistan, highlighting differences between the feudal aristocracy in the West and the emerging capitalist class in the East. The lecture also delves into post-colonial state dynamics, drawing on Karl Marx’s analysis of the state and Hamza Alavi’s theory of overdeveloped states, where a powerful military and bureaucracy guide the state's efforts to nurture capitalism amid weak bourgeoisie and landed classes.
Takeaways
- 🏛️ The lecture discusses the nature of the state in Pakistan from 1947 to 1971, focusing on the military and bureaucratic aspects.
- 👥 The class structure in West Pakistan was dominated by a large landowning class and traditional aristocracy, in contrast to East Pakistan which had a primarily peasant class.
- 🌏 The military and bureaucracy in Pakistan were heavily influenced by the British Raj, with a strong presence of Punjabis and Pathans, and very few Bengalis.
- 🏭 West Pakistan had little industry, while East Pakistan had an emerging capitalist class, but not a fully developed industrial one.
- 🌾 In East Pakistan, the class structure was different, with small zamindars and a significant peasant class, and a disconnect between the business class and the general population.
- 📚 Karl Marx's analysis of the state is mentioned, emphasizing that the state represents the interests of the dominant class in society, which in capitalist societies is the bourgeoisie.
- 🌎 Post-colonial societies like Pakistan have an overdeveloped state that is not directly representing any one class but is tasked with developing capitalism.
- 👮♂️ The military and bureaucracy in Pakistan are very strong and play a significant role in managing the state to ensure capitalist development.
- 🔄 The state in Pakistan is described as relatively independent, with no single class dictating terms, and it mediates between different interests.
- 💡 The lecture highlights the contradictions within the state and society in Pakistan, which contributed to the eventual dissolution of East Pakistan.
Q & A
What is the focus of the lecture?
-The lecture focuses on the nature of the state in Pakistan during the period from 1947 to 1971, specifically addressing the formation of the military-bureaucratic state and its relationship with the ruling classes.
What was the class structure in West Pakistan like?
-In West Pakistan, there was a large landowning aristocracy with individuals owning vast amounts of land. Many people working for them were virtually bonded laborers with limited freedoms. The traditional feudal aristocracy dominated this structure.
How was the class structure in East Pakistan different from West Pakistan?
-East Pakistan had smaller landowners compared to West Pakistan, and most large landlords were Hindus who left after partition. The class structure was more peasant-based, with fewer large estates or industrial capitalists, and the emerging bourgeoisie was disconnected from the local Bengali population.
What was the role of the military and bureaucracy in Pakistan after independence?
-The military and bureaucracy, which were largely composed of West Pakistanis, were highly developed and disciplined, inherited from British colonial rule. However, there were few Bengalis in these institutions, which led to a divide between East and West Pakistan.
What did Karl Marx suggest about the state in a capitalist society?
-Karl Marx suggested that the state in a capitalist society represents the interests of the dominant class, which in this case would be the capitalist class. The state protects private property and serves the capitalist class's interests.
How does Karl Marx's analysis apply to Pakistan's state development?
-Marx's analysis is applied to Pakistan by highlighting how the state, though initially feudal, evolved to protect emerging capitalist interests. However, in Pakistan, capitalism was not fully developed, and the military-bureaucratic state played a central role in managing the state's affairs.
What is the 'overdeveloped state' according to Hamza Alavi?
-Hamza Alavi describes the 'overdeveloped state' as one where the military and bureaucracy are extremely strong and relatively independent from the dominant classes. This state is responsible for promoting capitalist development, but no one class can fully control it.
What role did the military-bureaucratic state play in Pakistan?
-The military-bureaucratic state in Pakistan played a central role in managing and promoting capitalist development while balancing the interests of various weak classes, such as the landlords and bourgeoisie.
What was the relationship between East Pakistani bourgeoisie and the local Bengali population?
-The East Pakistani bourgeoisie, often non-Bengali and Urdu-speaking, were disconnected from the local Bengali culture and population. They did not consider themselves Bengalis and were culturally and socially distinct from the majority Bengali population.
What contradictions arose between the state and society in Pakistan during this period?
-Contradictions arose from the state's efforts to promote capitalist development, which often led to tensions between the state's priorities and the societal structure, particularly between the military-bureaucratic state and the underrepresented Bengali population in East Pakistan.
Outlines
📜 The Nature of the State in Pakistan (1947-1971)
This paragraph introduces the lecture's focus on the nature of the state in Pakistan from 1947 to 1971, covering the formation of the military-bureaucratic state. It discusses the class structures in West and East Pakistan, emphasizing how large landowners and aristocracy dominated West Pakistan while East Pakistan had a more fragmented, less powerful class structure. The differences in social dynamics and the state's role are also introduced, highlighting how these tensions contributed to the eventual dissolution of East Pakistan.
🏞️ Class Structure in East Pakistan
This section contrasts the class structures of West and East Pakistan. While West Pakistan had powerful, large landowners and aristocracy, East Pakistan had smaller landowners and shopkeepers, mostly Muslim, who formed a petty bourgeoisie. Unlike the West, these elites were disconnected from Bengali culture and society. The paragraph emphasizes the cultural divide and the economic underdevelopment in East Pakistan, where there was no strong industrial capitalist class, making the region's elites distinct from those in the West.
🏰 The Role of the State in Capitalism (Marxist Perspective)
Here, the lecturer delves into Karl Marx's analysis of the state, describing how in capitalist societies, the state serves the interests of the dominant class—in this case, the bourgeoisie. The paragraph explains how the state upholds the interests of the capitalist class, protecting private property and market interests, rather than representing the broader population. The narrative links this analysis to the evolving capitalist structures in Pakistan and the historical context of feudalism's decline and capitalism's rise.
🌍 Post-Colonial States and Pakistan’s Bureaucratic-Military State
This paragraph explores the nature of post-colonial states, particularly in Pakistan, based on Hamza Alavi’s theory. Alavi suggests that in post-colonial societies, capitalism is still developing, and the state, controlled by a strong military and bureaucracy, becomes crucial in managing and nurturing emerging capitalist structures. The military-bureaucratic state is independent of the landed or capitalist classes, playing a pivotal role in shaping the economy while ensuring that all class interests are managed.
Mindmap
Keywords
💡Military-Bureaucratic State
💡Feudal Aristocracy
💡Class Structure
💡Capitalist Class
💡Postcolonial Societies
💡Hamza Alavi
💡Bourgeoisie
💡Peasantry
💡Metropolitan Bourgeoisie
💡Contradictions within the State
Highlights
The lecture covers the nature of the military-bureaucratic state in Pakistan between 1947 and 1971, focusing on how the state was formed and its contradictions.
West Pakistan had a powerful landowning class, a traditional aristocracy owning large estates, in contrast to East Pakistan's smaller zamindars.
The aristocracy in West Pakistan controlled vast amounts of land and maintained feudal-like systems with laborers working in near-bonded conditions.
The Pakistani military was heavily composed of Punjabis and Pashtuns from West Pakistan, with minimal Bengali representation, reflecting colonial-era army recruitment practices.
East Pakistan's capitalist class was weak and primarily composed of petty bourgeoisie traders who had little connection with Bengali culture.
The cultural differences between East and West Pakistan were significant, with East Pakistan maintaining a distinct Bengali culture despite being part of Pakistan.
Karl Marx's theory of the state is discussed, emphasizing that the state represents the interests of the dominant class in society, which in Pakistan was the bourgeoisie.
Hamza Alavi's theory on postcolonial states is introduced, arguing that these states have an overdeveloped bureaucracy and military to manage a weak capitalist class.
In postcolonial societies like Pakistan, the state is not fully aligned with any single class, but serves the interests of all major groups, including landlords and capitalists.
The military and bureaucracy in Pakistan held significant power, operating independently from the dominant classes and promoting capitalist development.
The concept of an 'overdeveloped state' is explained, where the military and bureaucracy play a central role in shaping and supporting capitalism in the absence of a fully developed capitalist class.
The relationship between the Pakistani state and society was fraught with contradictions, which eventually contributed to the dissolution of East Pakistan.
The weak industrial base in West Pakistan limited the emergence of a full-fledged capitalist class, further entrenching the power of the military-bureaucratic state.
The petty bourgeoisie in East Pakistan, primarily non-Bengali traders, were disconnected from the general Bengali population, exacerbating societal divisions.
The military and bureaucracy in Pakistan, trained under British colonial rule, maintained a disciplined and professional structure, but were dominated by West Pakistanis.
The lecture provides a Marxist analysis of state power in Pakistan, showing how the military and bureaucracy acted as intermediaries between various class interests to promote capitalism.
Transcripts
greetings students
today we begin with the ninth
lecture in the series and that's
on a state in pakistan
the nature of the state in pakistan
during
the pakistan period 47
to 71. the nature of the state and
pakistan
what we'll try to cover today is
basically understanding the military
bureaucratic state
and how that was formed what were
the imperatives of the state what was
the state trying to do
and the relationship of the state
with the ruling classes in pakistan
and eventually we'll also talk about how
a state created certain contradictions
between society and the state and
contradictions within the state
that ultimately led to the dissolution
of pakistani east pakistan
attention so to begin with
let's start with the class structure in
west pakistan
and the class structure in east pakistan
in west pakistan you do have
a large land owning class
the traditional aristocracy it's very
different from
even the large landowners in bangladesh
now
we're talking about large land owners
owning thousands over thousands of acres
of land
and having people work for them
who in many instances were virtually
working as bonded laborers
with very little or limited freedoms
large land owners ran their own rules
and their own laws dead large land
owners the traditional feudal
aristocracy in pakistan
you also have muslim migrants coming in
in south asia in the india the indian
subcontinent
the muslim creating communities with the
mermans
the bahras the ismailis the khojas
and they generally were settled
in bombay in gujarat
and in kolkata bombay is mumbai now
pakistan itself or rather west pakistan
itself
had very little industries so it was
this trading class
that then emigrated towards pakistan
three of them in east pakistan and the
east pakistanis were primarily
non-bengalis
and they became the new
emerging capitalist class
i used the word emerging because they
still didn't constitute
an industrial capitalist class because
as we said
west pakistan had virtually very little
industry
now in terms of the military and the
bureaucracy
during the british raj there was a
strong
muslim presence in the army along with
hindus and the and
the six but the muslim presence in the
british army was from the north west
and from punjab so punjabis and
pushed to speaking pathans they
comprised
they were muslims and they became part
of the pakistan army
very few bengalis especially very few
bengali muslims
were in the british army so the pakistan
army primarily consisted of
west pakistanis also
the civil bureaucracy under the british
raj
primarily were hindus
some sikhs and the few muslims that were
there
were either punjabi or speaking and so
when they
immigrated to pakistan you have a
colonial civil bureaucracy
extremely disciplined extremely
professional
because they were trained by the english
but
that did not include bengalis
so you have the bureaucracy and the
military
which were very developed extremely
disciplined
that helped in the british rule of
colonial india
but who were gone bengalis and primarily
was pakistan-based the class structure
in east pakistan was very different
whatever sabindars we had and these were
frankly small zamindars compared to the
feudal lords in
in in west pakistan but even the
samindas we had
they left because they were primarily
hindus
so muslims it was primarily
small peasants or even some large
peasants
very few big
zamindaria states you did not have the
big industrial capitalist class or even
the big capitalist class
and that trading capitalist class as you
have in west pakistan
you have muslim shopkeepers and small
traders
we refer to as the petty bourgeoisie
the petty bourgeoisie
the big businesses in east pakistan
but for the most part they themselves
never considered themselves as bengalis
they spoke urdu and were totally
disconnected
from the general population and from the
bengali culture and people
had no connection the bengali muslims
did vote for pakistan because they
expected as we talked about it in last
class
expected advancement in
east
[Music]
just a petty pakistan but yet
in east pakistan strong
connections with the peasantry they were
primarily first generation coming in
from the peasantry
from rural areas and they were very
steeped in bengali culture
which transcended hindu and muslim
elements
to their the singing that they list the
songs that they listened to
the folklore that they enjoyed the books
that the
beauties that they read
provided a very strong cultural
umbrella in its park style that was
distinctly
bengali and were upheld at the penny
bourgeoisie
let's get into a little bit on what a
state
means and one of the best
analysis of the state is by karl
marx and i think it's important
that you read up in the references we
provide
you read up a little bit on what karl
marx had to say
hallmarks was talking about the
development of capitalism
in western europe and he was saying
that generally the state in any society
represents the class interests
that predominated in that society
see in a capitalist state
as you have emerging in western europe
by the 1700s and definitely very
strongly in the 1800s
uh starting even before that you have a
situation
see in the what preceded capitalism was
feudalism
where it was feudal lords it was kings
it was the feudal system where
serfs were tied to the land
bonded to the land it was serfs
that were the press class and it was for
the lords
in some ways the old form of fiddler
fetal aristocracy
in in in india too that dominated
in capitals of that except we have a new
capitalist class
converge what marx says
that when the capital's class
emerges and when industries
owned by the capitalists starts
controlling the world
market the state that they create
is there to protect the interest
of that specific capitalist class and so
the laws that they
make it protects the capitalist class it
protects private property
it does not protect protect the old
federal system
it does not protect the
workers in a capitalist system it
protects those
who own property and those who are at
the help and so he says and i read it
from the communist manifesto the
bourgeoisie has at last
since the establishment of modern
industry
and of the world market conquered for
itself
in the modern representative state
exclusive political sway so the
bourgeoisie has political
the executive of the modern state those
who run the state
the government or the bureaucracy and
the bureaucracy
is but a committee for managing the
human affairs
of the whole bourgeoisie state
rules for the bourgeois
interests kepler's interest
now
what we see in pakistan
and not just in pakistan in many of the
post-colonial societies
and what is postcolonial means that
means after
the end of colonial power so it would be
india pakistan
and you know burma and others uh
in west in in east africa
tanzania uganda and others
also the french those who controlled
those colonies that were controlled by
the french so for example
uh in the in in east in southeast asia
vietnam cambodia and others
also in west africa some of the
countries that the french
controlled those would be
post political societies once the
colonial powers left
and what you have then that hamza alavi
this famous pakistani political
scientist
pointed out that in these post-colonial
societies
capitalism has yet not fully developed
and in these postcolonial societies you
don't have a fully
fledged mature capitalist class
what you have is a landed class
what you have is some local traders
indigenous bourgeoisie some local
businesses small
businesses you have that and you have
the metropolitan bourgeoisie which means
those business houses that are connected
with global capitalism
so for example uh
you have uh maybe a cold one
and the coal mine all the coal is being
exported
to england so those who own the
the indigenous the people the
capitalists in india who own the coal
mines are in pakistan if you own coal
mines
then you are connected more to the
english
because that's what you're selling to
rather than here or if you're a big
importer bringing in
manufactured goods then
you even though you might be pakistani
you are referred to as a
metropolitan bourgeoisie because your
interests are aligned with people who
are exporting
those manufactured goods from there and
what hamza
alavi says is that all these forces are
relatively weak
capitalism hasn't yet emerged
fully and they need protection so they
need a state
that can protect their interest and
hamza levy says
that during the colonial era
to ensure a strong rule by colonial
powers
the english the british for example in
india the french and other places
they needed a strong military and a
strong bureaucracy
so what has happened in pakistan a lot
of you would say
as in other states that
the military and the bureaucracy
are extremely strong extremely well
developed they know what to do
they have served the interests of the
british they have served the interest of
capitalist colonial powers so they know
what to do
you have the capitalist class being weak
so the state
is taken over by the military and the
bureaucracy
they run the state in support
of capitalism so they are
managing the state to ensure
that there is capitalist development
that can follow
and they are nurturing
the capitalist the weak bourgeoisie
the metropolitan bourgeoisie the
national bourgeoisie the indigenous
country
and because the landed classes there is
doctors is always important
they are also trying to then
ensure that their interest is if they're
all being met
so what you have is what is referred to
as
an overdeveloped state
in post-colonial societies a state
that is not representing directly
any one class the state
is trying to develop capitalism so the
mission
of the state is the development of
capitalism in pakistan
and the military bureaucratic
bureaucratic state
is relatively independent no one class
can dictate terms to the state
so the landlords can't say you have to
do this you have to do that
the bureaucracy and the military is far
more powerful
so that's what you have in the
postcolonial state
in pakistan a strong military
bureaucratic state
promoting capitalism yes but none
of the classes are strong enough
to exercise authority that the state
represents all of their interests
intermediates between them
but they are the strongest group so
let's stop there for
take a break and then we come back
in a few minutes to get to the next
[Music]
phase
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