Was WW1 Pointless? - War Goals Of Every Major Nation
Summary
TLDRThis script explores the multifaceted war aims of the major powers during WWI, challenging the perception of the war as futile. It delves into the political, ideological, and economic motivations behind the conflict, highlighting how these aims evolved throughout the war. From Austria-Hungary's desire to weaken Serbia to Germany's pursuit of European dominance and the Ottoman Empire's struggle for independence, the narrative underscores the complexity and shifting nature of each nation's objectives. It also touches on the ideological battles, with countries fighting for perceived virtues against opposing forces. The script concludes by noting the irony that despite the war's outcome, new aims would emerge just two decades later, foreshadowing WWII.
Takeaways
- đ The First World War was perceived by nations involved as a necessary conflict with clear objectives, contrary to the common view of it being futile.
- âïž The Central Powers, primarily Austria-Hungary and Germany, sought to maintain their power and influence by weakening Serbia and preventing Slavic expansion.
- đ©đȘ Germany's war aims were complex and evolved over the war, ranging from territorial annexations to economic dominance through a proposed 'Mitteleuropa'.
- đ The Ottoman Empire aimed to counter Russian and Balkan Slavic threats and used the war to consolidate its state, leading to the eventual formation of the Turkish Republic.
- đ·đș Russia's war goals included maintaining its prestige as a great power, expanding influence in the Balkans, and controlling strategic territories like Constantinople.
- đŒ France's war aims were centered on security and reclaiming Alsace-Lorraine, with some politicians advocating for a more aggressive policy against Germany.
- đŽó §ó ąó „ó źó §ó ż Britain's entry into the war was prompted by the defense of Belgium and the balance of power in Europe, with aims to reduce German military might and expand empire.
- đźđč Italy joined the war with ambitions of territorial expansion and the completion of national unification, which led to disputes with emerging Slavic states.
- đșđž The United States entered the war with the dual objectives of ensuring its own security and reshaping the international order based on democracy and self-determination.
- đ War aims were dynamic, changing with the war's progression, internal politics, and the evolving geopolitical landscape.
Q & A
What were the primary war aims of Austria-Hungary at the beginning of World War I?
-Austria-Hungary initially sought a local war to weaken Serbia, aiming to preserve its Great Power status and prevent Serbian expansion into Albania or Bosnia.
How did the war aims of Germany evolve during World War I?
-Germany's war aims shifted over the course of the war. Initially, they considered annexing territories and creating a German-dominated customs union in Europe. As the war progressed, there was a division among leaders between those who favored a negotiated peace and those who held onto maximalist aims.
What was the September Program, and how did it reflect Germany's war aims?
-The September Program was a policy document from fall 1914 that discussed possible annexations and the creation of a German-dominated customs union called Mitteleuropa, reflecting Germany's ambitions for economic and political dominance in Europe.
How did the Ottoman Empire's war aims differ from those of the Central Powers?
-The Ottoman Empire's war aims were more limited and focused on defensive measures against Russia and the Balkan Slavs, as well as canceling economic 'capitulations' to restore full independence. They also aimed for territorial gains after initial battlefield successes.
What were the Russian Empire's strategic goals in the Balkans during World War I?
-The Russian Empire aimed to increase its influence in the Balkans by supporting Serbia and considering the expansion of Serbia at Austria's expense. They also sought control of Constantinople and the Turkish Straits for access to the Mediterranean.
How did the February 1917 revolution in Russia impact its war aims?
-The February 1917 revolution led to a shift in Russia's war aims. The Provisional Government suggested a negotiated peace without annexations and framed the war as a struggle to preserve the revolution against reactionary Central Powers monarchies.
What were France's main security concerns that shaped its war aims during World War I?
-France's main security concerns were centered around containing a larger and more powerful Germany. They sought the return of Alsace-Lorraine, Belgian independence, and the destruction of Prussian militarism to ensure French security.
How did the British perspective on the war change after Germany's attack on Belgium in 1914?
-The attack on neutral Belgium by Germany was seen as a threat to the international order by Britain, leading them to join the war to uphold that order and prevent Germany from becoming the dominant power in Europe.
What were Italy's territorial ambitions when it joined the Allies in 1915?
-Italy aimed to gain Austro-Hungarian territory, including areas with Italian-speakers and defensible natural borders. They also sought new imperial conquests in Ottoman Anatolia and the Aegean, and possibly expansion of their African colonies.
What were the United States' primary objectives when it entered World War I in 1917?
-The United States entered the war with objectives to protect its own security and to reshape the international order based on democracy, free trade, and self-determination, envisioning a role for the League of Nations in upholding this new system.
Outlines
đ The Purpose and Aims of the First World War
The paragraph discusses the various aims and objectives that the Great Powers had when they entered the First World War. It emphasizes that war aims were political, ideological, or economic goals that governments sought to achieve through warfare. The paragraph also highlights that these aims could change over time and were not solely driven by banks or arms manufacturers. It introduces the ideological motivations of the powers, such as fighting for civilization and freedom against barbarism and materialism, as noted by H.G. Wells. The paragraph sets the stage for a detailed exploration of the specific war aims of each power involved in the conflict.
đïž War Aims of Central Powers: Austria-Hungary and Germany
This section delves into the war aims of the Central Powers, particularly Austria-Hungary and Germany. Austria-Hungary initially sought a local war to weaken Serbia but eventually aimed for territorial gains and the preservation of its Great Power status. The paragraph details the internal debates within Austria-Hungary regarding territorial aims and the eventual dependency on Germany. Germany's war aims are more complex and debated, ranging from early ambitions of annexations to later considerations of a negotiated peace. The September Program is mentioned as a reflection of Germany's potential expansionist goals, and the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk is highlighted as a significant achievement of German aims in the East, despite the eventual failure to achieve long-term dominance in Europe.
đ° The Ottoman Empire and Russian Empire's War Aims
The paragraph explores the war aims of the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Empire. The Ottomans joined the war with limited aims due to their relative weakness, seeking to preserve their empire and independence by forming alliances and consolidating their state, which included internal repressions. The Russian Empire, on the other hand, aimed to maintain its prestige as a Great Power, support Serbia, and prevent German dominance in Europe. Russia also sought territorial gains, including control over Constantinople and the Turkish Straits. The paragraph outlines how the February 1917 revolution affected Russia's war aims, leading to a shift towards a negotiated peace without annexations and framing the war as a struggle to preserve the revolution.
đŒ France and Britain's Strategic War Aims
This section focuses on the war aims of France and Britain. France's aims were primarily centered around security and reclaiming Alsace-Lorraine, with various political factions advocating for further territorial gains or the breakup of Germany. French leaders also sought to weaken Germany's economic potential and ensure future security through alliances and new imperial ambitions in the Middle East. Britain's war aims were initially about maintaining the international order and preventing German dominance, which included restoring Belgian independence and limiting German military power. Later, Britain pursued imperial expansion in the Middle East and aimed to balance the post-war order to prevent French dominance. The paragraph also touches on the influence of American entry into the war and the changing nature of French and British war aims in response to the evolving conflict.
đșđž The United States and Italy's War Aims in WWI
The final paragraph discusses the war aims of the United States and Italy. The United States entered the war with objectives to protect its security and reshape the international order based on democracy and self-determination, aiming to eliminate threats posed by the Central Powers. Italy joined the war with ambitions to complete its unification and expand its territory, with claims growing over the course of the war. The paragraph also notes the outcomes of the war for these countries, with the US achieving its security goals but not joining the League of Nations, and Italy gaining less territory than expected and facing internal unrest. The paragraph concludes with a reflection on the irony that both victors and vanquished would be forming new war aims just two decades later, foreshadowing the Second World War.
Mindmap
Keywords
đĄWar Aims
đĄCentral Powers
đĄAllies
đĄMitteleuropa
đĄTreaty of Brest-Litovsk
đĄSelf-Determination
đĄLeague of Nations
đĄUnconditional Surrender
đĄZimmerman Telegram
đĄSykes-Picot Agreement
Highlights
The First World War's perceived futility contrasts with the complex war aims of the Great Powers involved.
War aims encompassed political, ideological, economic goals that governments sought to achieve through conflict.
Austria-Hungary initially sought a local war to weaken Serbia, reflecting a broader desire to maintain Great Power status.
Germany's war aims were multifaceted, ranging from territorial annexations to the establishment of a German-dominated Mitteleuropa.
The Ottoman Empire's entry into the war was driven by a defensive stance against Slavic neighbors and a quest for independence.
Russia aimed to maintain its Great Power status, with ambitions in the Balkans and control over Constantinople.
France's war aims were primarily focused on security, including the recovery of Alsace-Lorraine and the weakening of Germany.
Britain's objectives included upholding the international order, ensuring the security of its empire, and limiting German power.
Italy's war aims were expansionist, with desires for territorial gains from Austria-Hungary and aspirations in the Ottoman Empire.
The United States entered the war with the goal of ensuring its security and reshaping the international order through democracy and self-determination.
The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk is highlighted as a significant event where Germany aimed to control Eastern Europe's resources.
The war aims of the Great Powers were not static but evolved over the course of the war, reflecting changing circumstances and strategies.
The documentary '16 Days in Berlin' provides an in-depth look at the final battle of World War 2, offering a detailed portrayal of historical events.
Nebula is a streaming service offering exclusive historical documentaries, including '16 Days in Berlin', ad-free.
The documentary series is a production of Real Time History, emphasizing a commitment to detailed and comprehensive historical analysis.
Transcripts
The First World War is often seen as futile and pointless. Millions of men fought and died for Â
years, but no one was satisfied with the outcome, which did not bring a lasting peace. But that is Â
not how governments and many people saw the war as it was being fought. So what did the countries Â
fighting actually want to achieve? In other words, what was the purpose of the First World War?
To understand why the First World war was fought, we have to look at the war Â
aims of the Great Powers who fought it. War aims are the political, ideological, Â
or economic goals a government decided it wants to achieve or defend by fighting. Sometimes, Â
the Powers changed their war aims depending on the course of the war, internal debates, Â
or reactions to enemy war aims. We should also remember World War One was Â
a war between states â governments decided to go to war, not banks, Â
arms manufacturers, or other interest groups. Ideologically, most powers saw themselves Â
as fighting for virtuous ideals, like civilization, freedom, and culture, Â
against enemies representing barbarism or soulless materialism. Some have argued that Â
these ideas were the most important aims of all: âWe fight not to destroy a nation, but to kill Â
a nest of ideas [...] The ultimate purpose of this war is propaganda, the destruction Â
of certain beliefs and the creation of others.â [H.G. Wells] (Strachan FWW 1115)
So bearing that in mind letâs start with the Central Powers. When Austria-Hungary Â
declared war on Serbia in July 1914, it just wanted a local war to weaken Serbia. Â
Some had long argued for this, while others, like Franz Ferdinand himself, were opposed:Â
âEven if we settled the score with Serbia without anyone troubling us, Â
what would we gain from it? A band of thieves, assassins, bandits, and a few plum Â
trees.â [Archduke Franz Ferdinand] (Le Naour 58) But in July 1914 he was gone. Vienna decided that Â
reducing Serbia would preserve its Great Power status and prevent the Serbs from acquiring Â
Albania or menacing Bosnia in the future. Once the war became generalized, the Austrians Â
debated territorial aims, like the annexation or vassalization of Serbia (though there was no Â
agreement), preservation of the border with Italy, and the possibility of creating a Central-Powers Â
friendly Poland. Some politicians also wanted parts of Albania or Montenegro. Â
Foreign Minister Ottokar Czernin, for example, hoped that if Austria allowed Germany a free Â
hand with Poland, it might get territory from Romania and free hand in the Balkans.Â
As the situation worsened, Vienna also aimed to maintain its independence, since Germany had Â
taken control of most military decisions. By late 1917 Austria-Hungary had, in a way, won its war: Â
Serbia had been crushed, Russia was all but out of the war, and Italian forces were on the defensive Â
deep in Italy . But the Dual Monarchyâs government, economy, society were approaching Â
collapse. It had also become dependent on and subservient to Germany, which represented a Â
failure to preserve its prestige and power. In the final year of the war, Emperor Karl aimed Â
for a white peace, and to preserve the state by making concessions to the empireâs Slavic peoples.
Austria-Hungary, of course, achieved none of what it intended when it started the war in 1914. Â
The war aims of its ally Germany, on the other hand, are perhaps the most hotly debated of all.
One argument is that Germany long planned on starting a war before Russia got too strong Â
and took advantage of the July Crisis to make a bid for world power in 1914. And Â
in the warâs early days, Kaiser Wilhelm and the high command talked of annexing Russian Poland, Â
the Baltics, Belgium, and northern France . But other historians argue German politicians Â
were more moderate. A fall 1914 policy document known as the September Program Â
discussed possible annexations, satellite states, and more land in Africa â but it also Â
left these questions open . The Program also envisioned a future Mitteleuropa, Â
a German-dominated customs union. German leaders discussed whether the union would include Germany, Â
Austria-Hungary, and Belgium, or perhaps even France, Italy and the Netherlands as well. Â
Mitteleuropa was an economic goal on the surface, but was really about German dominance in Europe.Â
As the war dragged on, German leaders divided further. Some favoured a negotiated Â
compromise peace, a Scheidemann Peace, while others stuck to maximalist aims, Â
a Hindenburg Peace. Chief of Staff Erich von Falkenhaynâs aim was modest: âIf we survive Â
against this coalition of superior strength and emerge able to negotiate credibly, we will have Â
won.â [Erich von Falkenhayn] (Chickering, 107) Berlin did make a peace offer in December 1916, Â
though Germany refused to evacuate the occupied territories, showing Berlin Â
still hoped for extensive gains from the war. The Reichstag then voted for a Peace Â
Resolution in July 1917 that gave up annexing territory . By then though, Germany had become Â
a virtual military dictatorship where the High Command held more sway than parliament.Â
The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, a dictated peace signed with Bolshevik Russia in 1918, Â
fulfilled Germanyâs aims in the East: Germany indirectly controlled Finland, Â
Ukraine, the Baltics, and Poland, and maintained occupation forces. Â
The treaty crippled Russia, gave Germany control of Eastern Europeâs resources, Â
and, politicians hoped, could be used as a tool in future negotiations with the Allies.Â
Even in summer 1918 many German military leaders, still called for annexations in Â
the west. In the fall, with the army in full retrea t, the civilian government hoped to Â
salvage what it could by embracing Wilsonian self-determination to avoid losing territory.
So German goals did indeed trend towards European dominance. Ironically, Â
partly because of the harshness of Brest-Litovsk, the Allies Â
took a harder line. Meanwhile Germanyâs Ottoman ally had much more limited aims.
The Ottoman Empire joined the war in October 1914, and its aims were shaped by its relative Â
weakness after defeats in recent wars . The Sultanâs government reasoned that if they Â
stayed neutral, whoever won the war could impose their will on an isolate ed Constantinople:Â
âThe Slavic world is growing more rapidly than its neighboursâŠa strong Ottoman state Â
must form an alliance with Germany and take a defensive position against the Russian and Balkan Â
Slavs.â [Abdurrahman Cami Baykut](McMeekin 87) Politicians were divided as to which side to join, Â
but the leaders of the governing Committee of Union and Progress chose the Central Â
Powers because they considered the Allies a greater threat â the Russian Â
Empire wanted to conquer their capital, and the French and British had imposed Â
one-sided economic treaties in the past. Holding off the Russians and cancelling Â
the economic âcapitulationsâ would restore the Empireâs full independence.Â
Given the political unrest the Empire had suffered before 1914, and surging Turkish nationalism, Â
the government also used the war to achieve its internal aim of state consolidation . This Â
included repressions that mostly targeted Christian Greeks and, especially, Armenians. Â
The deportation and killing of much of these populations, in the eyes of the government, made Â
the Empire a more stable, Muslim-dominated state. After battlefield success in 1915, the Russian Â
revolution, and Greek entry on the Allied side in 1917 Constantinople formed territorial goals Â
as well: they wanted the northeastern regions lost to Russia in 1877 (which Â
they briefly recovered after Brest-Litovsk), Aegean islands to protect the Dardanelles, Â
and to recover Egypt and Tripolitania from Britain and Italy. They also planned to increase Ottoman Â
influence in the Caucasus, Iran, and Afghanistan â though Germany was uneasy with this objective.
The Ottomans failed to preserve their empire, but paradoxically they did consolidate their state, Â
which contributed to a post-war Turkish Republic . Now letâs turn to the Allies, Â
starting with the Russian Empire.
One of St. Petersburgâs aims in 1914 was maintaining its Great Power prestige after defeat Â
in the Russo-Japanese War , the Revolution of 1905, and a diplomatic defeat in Austria-Hungaryâs Â
annexation of Bosnia in 1908 . Russian leaders felt they couldnât afford to back down over Â
Serbia in 1914, even though the High Command worried the army wasnât ready for a general war.Â
Tsar Nicholas II made the position clear when war came: âWe have now to intercede not only for a Â
related country, unjustly attacked (âŠ) but also to safeguard the honour, dignity, and integrity Â
of Russia, and her position among the great powers.â [Nicholas II] (Schimmelpenninck, 3)Â
During the war, St. Petersburg claimed German and Austro-Hungarian territory, and wanted to prevent Â
Germany from becoming dominant in Europe. Some of this territory might be included in an autonomous Â
Polish kingdom under the Tsar, and they suggested breaking up Austria-Hungary much earlier than any Â
other Ally. The Russians also hoped Serbia would expand at Austriaâs expense. All this Â
would increase Russian influence in the Balkans. Once the Ottomans joined the Central Powers, Â
Russia aimed for control of Constantinople and the Turkish Straits, which would allow Â
them access to the Mediterranean and give them control over an Orthodox Holy city.Â
After the February 1917 revolution, the weakness of the Provisional Government and the influence Â
of the Petrograd Soviet changed Russiaâs aims . The Kerensky government now suggested Â
a negotiated peace without annexations, and framed the war as a struggle to preserve the Â
revolution against reactionary Central Powers monarchies . When the Bolsheviks overthrew the Â
Provisional Government in October, they wanted peace at any price to consolidate Â
their revolution and focus on the civil war against the counter-revolutionary Whites.
Franceâs political and military war aims were mostly about security in the face of a larger, Â
more powerful Germany. Public discussion was limited, but in December 1914, Â
President Raymond PoincarĂ© stated France wanted the return of Alsace-Lorraine, Â
Belgian independence, the destruction of Prussian militarism, and a reorganized Â
Europe that would ensure French security . Parliamentarians hotly debated territorial Â
claims beyond Alsace-Lorraine. Some, both on the right and centre-left, wanted to extend French Â
influence in some form over Belgium, Luxembourg, and Germanyâs Saarland and Rhineland regions. Â
More radical politicians proposed that France support an independent state in the Rhineland Â
or even annex it. A few hardliners proposed breaking up all of Germany into smaller pieces.Â
Prime Minister Georges ClĂ©menceau summed up French resolve, equating waging war Â
with achieving war aims: âMy foreign policy and my home policy are the same. At home I Â
wage war. Abroad, I wage war⊠I shall go on waging war.â [Georges ClĂ©menceau] (Tison, 4)Â
French leaders also wanted to weaken German economic potential in the future, including Â
inter-Allied oversight of raw material production in Europe. Some argued for a post-war political Â
union with Belgium and Luxembourg, or a customs union with the Low Countries and Italy â all Â
to secure French influence and security against Germany. What never changed were the objectives Â
to defeat Germany, recover Alsace-Lorraine, and create a new security architecture in Europe.Â
France also developed new imperial ambitions. The Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916 granted Â
France direct control and a zone of influence in what were then Ottoman lands in the Middle East, Â
but Paris never clearly defined Franceâs goals in the region until after the war.Â
Franceâs late-war goals also included future security guarantees from the United States and Â
Britain. American entry into the war, the desire of the French army and people for peace , pressure Â
from the French socialist parties, and the Bolshevik revolution in 1917 all modified Â
French aims. Without Russian support, they dropped the idea of a Rhenish state or breakup Â
of Germany. France had not wanted the breakup of Austria-Hungary for fear Germany might gain from Â
it, but when President Wilson insisted, the French pushed for the new states in Central Europe to be Â
as large as possible to resist potential German influence in the future â there was even talk of Â
a Greater Poland including Lithuania and part of Ukraine . France also wanted close relations with Â
Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Yugoslavia, and potentially Ukraine to counter Germany.
In the end France recovered Alsace-Lorraine, gained new colonies and partly weakened Germany, Â
but failed to create a Europe where France was safe â partly because of British resistance.
In 1914, the British government was divided about joining the war, until Germany attacked Â
neutral Belgium. Germanyâs violation of Belgian sovereignty looked to London like a threat to Â
the international order it wanted to uphold. If Britain didnât join the war, Germany might become Â
the dominant power in Europe and leave Britain isolated â something politician Sir Edward Â
Grey had worried about as far back as 1911: âThe moment the weakest Powers in Europe were Â
assailed, either by diplomacy or by force, one by one they would appeal to us to help them. Â
[If we] sat by and looked on and did nothing, then people ought to realise that the result Â
would be one great combination in Europe, outside which we should be left without a Â
friendâ [Sir Edward Grey] (Jeffrey, 47) Britain saw the restoration of Belgian Â
independence, reducing German military and naval power, and limiting German influence in Africa Â
and the Middle East as its primary war aims in 1914. To keep Britainâs global empire and Â
maritime trade secure, Germany must not be able to project its power on the high seas.Â
In 1916, Britain added imperial expansion to its goals, with the Sykes-Picot Agreement dividing Â
the Ottoman Middle East with France. Britainâs potential new territories in the region would Â
improve the security of the Suez Canal and sea lanes to India, and provide more resources, Â
especially oil. British presence in the Middle East would also counter future Russian influence, Â
especially once Russia became a hostile Communist power in late 1917.Â
These Realpolitik war aims conveniently overlapped with liberal ideas of free trade, Â
and the independence and freedom of small nations:Â
âWe have battled and will continue to battle our hardest for the common cause in Europe. But on Â
behalf of that cause, as well as in defence of our existence, we shall find ourselves compelled Â
to complete the liberation of the Arabs, to make secure the independence of Persia, Â
and if we can, of Armenia, and to protect tropical Africa from German economic and Â
military exploitation. All these objects are justifiable in themselves and donât become less Â
so because they also increase the general sphere of British influence, and afford a strategical Â
security [...]â [Leo Amery] (Jeffrey, 58) During the Peace Conference, the UKâs Â
diplomatic goals shifted to trying to make sure German commerce would partly recover, Â
and that France would not become too dominant in the post-war order.
The UK achieved imperial expansion, restored Belgian independence, and eliminated the Â
German fleet and colonial empire. Italy though, was quite unhappy with its results.
Italy joined the Allies in 1915, since nationalists wanted to complete the Â
unification of the country that had started in the 19th century. Their position won out Â
over the neutralist and socialist camps, both of whom wanted to keep Italy out of the war.Â
Rome didnât have clear war aims before Italy joined, Â
but its claims soon grew according to the policy known as âsacred egoism.â Â
Italy wanted Austro-Hungarian territory â not only where Italian-speakers lived, Â
but defensible so-called natural borders in the Alps and surrounding the Adriatic. They also hoped Â
for new imperial conquests in Ottoman Anatolia and the Aegean, and possibly a deal to expand Italian Â
colonies in Africa in exchange for the British and French taking German colonies elsewhere.Â
Later in the war, Italians debated whether they would be strong enough to protect everything Â
they claimed if they ever received it - especially after the Russian revolution removed an ally and Â
potential rival. The threat of a victorious Tsarist Russia influencing Central European Â
Slavs on Italyâs doorstep disappeared, and a potential Yugoslav state became the new challenge.Â
Prime minister Vittorio Orlando saw an opportunity: âWhen imperial Russiaâs triumph Â
was a possibility, with the immense influence it would have gained over the Slavs of Austria and Â
the Balkans, which would have become one of its branches to the Adriatic and the Mediterranean, Â
taking territorial precautions could be justified. Not today. Today the Slavs of Austria, the Serbs, Â
the Yugoslavs are very disheartened; they feel they have lost their ancient and powerful Â
protector, and look to us. If we know how to handle things and we offer them friendship, Â
our prestige, in the alliance, as the main protectors of their cause, will increase, Â
after the Russian protection has failed [âŠ].â : [Vittorio Orlando] (Baravelli, 5)Â
But the more aggressive camp, led by Foreign Minister Sidney Sonnino or extreme nationalists Â
like Gabriele DâAnnunzio, won out, and Italy retained its early-war goals, supported the Â
complete dismemberment of Austria-Hungary , and clashed with the Yugoslavs over Â
territorial claims at the Peace Conference. When the peace treaties were signed, Italy Â
gained less territory than Rome expected, its relations with Yugoslavia were poor, Â
and it was wracked by social unrest . It temporarily also gained territory in Anatolia, Â
which it quickly gave up in the face of Turkish resistance and instability at home.
The United States entered the war in April 1917 with political and ideological objectives: Â
to protect its own security and to remake the international order. Many Americans saw Â
the Central Powersâ actions as a direct threat to US safety. Beyond the US lives and property Â
lost to German U-Boats when the US was still neutral , the infamous Zimmerman Telegram, Â
in which Germany proposed an alliance with Mexico against the US, caused Washington to Â
see Germany as a real threat . And, if the Central Powers won the war, that might mean Â
a worrying German presence in what the US saw as its backyard â a peace settlement might have seen Â
the Germans make claims for territory or bases in French or British possessions in the Caribbean, Â
South America, or even Canada . So, one US war aim was to eliminate this potential danger, Â
since Washington feared if they stayed neutral, a Central Powers victory prove dangerous.Â
The most well-known US war aim was to reimagine an international order based on democracy, Â
free trade, and self-determination. The new system would be upheld by the League of Nations , which Â
President Wilson wanted to create as part of the peace settlement. At first, Wilson called Â
for peace without victory, and saw the root problem of the international system, and the Â
cause of the war, as imperialism and autocracy. But, partly because of the harsh terms of the Â
Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in 1918, Wilson became convinced that Germany had to be Â
weakened. However, in contrast to the British and French, he still wanted Germany to quickly Â
recover and join the post-war League of Nations. Wilsonâs advisor, Colonel House, hoped the League Â
of Nations would guarantee peace with Germany: â⊠if after establishing the League, we are so Â
stupid as to let Germany train and arm a large army and again become a menace to the world, Â
we would deserve the fate which such folly would bring upon us.â [Edward House] (Macmillan 182)Â
In the end the US achieved its own security goals by contributing the defeat of the Central Powers, Â
but did not achieve Wilsonâs international vision, and did not join the League of Nations.
So while it is often said that the First World War was fought for nothing, historically speaking this Â
wasnât the case for the countries who fought it. They all had distinct war aims, some moral, some Â
expansionist, and some defensive, which changed and evolved over the course of the war. What they Â
did not know is that both victors and vanquished would be forming new war aims just 20 years later.
And unlike 1918, the Second World War in Europe wouldnât end with a ceasefire but Â
only with unconditional surrender of Germany in May 1945. In the final weeks of the war the Â
Red Army launched a massive offensive from the banks of the Oder river to take Berlin, Â
the capital of Nazi Germany where its leader Adolf Hitler was holding out in his bunker. Â
The Battle of Berlin is one of the biggest battles in history, but often overlooked in classic World Â
War 2 documentaries. Thatâs why we produced the most detailed documentary about the final Â
assault on Berlin. With a total runtime of over 4 hours, our documentary series 16 Days in Berlin Â
follows the battle day by day featuring detailed maps, infographics, authentic combat footage, Â
expert interviews and much more. Due to the uncompromising portrayal of the Second World War, Â
we cannot upload this documentary to YouTube. So, where can you watch 16 Days in Berlin? On Nebula, Â
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awesome creators like Epic History TV. If you go to nebula.tv/thegreatwar you can sign up for Â
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rush, go to gift.nebula.tv/thegreatwar and share everything Nebula has to offer with your family Â
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We want to thank Sophie SouliĂšre for her help with this episode. As usual Â
you can find all the sources for this episode in the video Â
description below. If you are watching this video on Nebula or Patreon, Â
thank you so much for the support, we couldnât do it without you. I am Jesse Alexander and this is a Â
production of Real Time History, the only history channel not following a policy of sacred egoism.
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