Was WW1 Pointless? - War Goals Of Every Major Nation

Summary

This script explores the multifaceted war aims of the major powers during WWI, challenging the perception of the war as futile. It delves into the political, ideological, and economic motivations behind the conflict, highlighting how these aims evolved throughout the war. From Austria-Hungary's desire to weaken Serbia to Germany's pursuit of European dominance and the Ottoman Empire's struggle for independence, the narrative underscores the complexity and shifting nature of each nation's objectives. It also touches on the ideological battles, with countries fighting for perceived virtues against opposing forces. The script concludes by noting the irony that despite the war's outcome, new aims would emerge just two decades later, foreshadowing WWII.

Takeaways

• 🌍 The First World War was perceived by nations involved as a necessary conflict with clear objectives, contrary to the common view of it being futile.
• ⚔️ The Central Powers, primarily Austria-Hungary and Germany, sought to maintain their power and influence by weakening Serbia and preventing Slavic expansion.
• 🇩🇪 Germany's war aims were complex and evolved over the war, ranging from territorial annexations to economic dominance through a proposed 'Mitteleuropa'.
• 🔄 The Ottoman Empire aimed to counter Russian and Balkan Slavic threats and used the war to consolidate its state, leading to the eventual formation of the Turkish Republic.
• 🇷🇺 Russia's war goals included maintaining its prestige as a great power, expanding influence in the Balkans, and controlling strategic territories like Constantinople.
• 🗼 France's war aims were centered on security and reclaiming Alsace-Lorraine, with some politicians advocating for a more aggressive policy against Germany.
• 🏴󠁧󠁢󠁥󠁮󠁧󠁿 Britain's entry into the war was prompted by the defense of Belgium and the balance of power in Europe, with aims to reduce German military might and expand empire.
• 🇮🇹 Italy joined the war with ambitions of territorial expansion and the completion of national unification, which led to disputes with emerging Slavic states.
• 🇺🇸 The United States entered the war with the dual objectives of ensuring its own security and reshaping the international order based on democracy and self-determination.
• 🔄 War aims were dynamic, changing with the war's progression, internal politics, and the evolving geopolitical landscape.

Q & A

What were the primary war aims of Austria-Hungary at the beginning of World War I?

Austria-Hungary initially sought a local war to weaken Serbia, aiming to preserve its Great Power status and prevent Serbian expansion into Albania or Bosnia.

How did the war aims of Germany evolve during World War I?

Germany's war aims shifted over the course of the war. Initially, they considered annexing territories and creating a German-dominated customs union in Europe. As the war progressed, there was a division among leaders between those who favored a negotiated peace and those who held onto maximalist aims.

What was the September Program, and how did it reflect Germany's war aims?

The September Program was a policy document from fall 1914 that discussed possible annexations and the creation of a German-dominated customs union called Mitteleuropa, reflecting Germany's ambitions for economic and political dominance in Europe.

How did the Ottoman Empire's war aims differ from those of the Central Powers?

The Ottoman Empire's war aims were more limited and focused on defensive measures against Russia and the Balkan Slavs, as well as canceling economic 'capitulations' to restore full independence. They also aimed for territorial gains after initial battlefield successes.

What were the Russian Empire's strategic goals in the Balkans during World War I?

The Russian Empire aimed to increase its influence in the Balkans by supporting Serbia and considering the expansion of Serbia at Austria's expense. They also sought control of Constantinople and the Turkish Straits for access to the Mediterranean.

How did the February 1917 revolution in Russia impact its war aims?

The February 1917 revolution led to a shift in Russia's war aims. The Provisional Government suggested a negotiated peace without annexations and framed the war as a struggle to preserve the revolution against reactionary Central Powers monarchies.

What were France's main security concerns that shaped its war aims during World War I?

France's main security concerns were centered around containing a larger and more powerful Germany. They sought the return of Alsace-Lorraine, Belgian independence, and the destruction of Prussian militarism to ensure French security.

How did the British perspective on the war change after Germany's attack on Belgium in 1914?

The attack on neutral Belgium by Germany was seen as a threat to the international order by Britain, leading them to join the war to uphold that order and prevent Germany from becoming the dominant power in Europe.

What were Italy's territorial ambitions when it joined the Allies in 1915?

Italy aimed to gain Austro-Hungarian territory, including areas with Italian-speakers and defensible natural borders. They also sought new imperial conquests in Ottoman Anatolia and the Aegean, and possibly expansion of their African colonies.

What were the United States' primary objectives when it entered World War I in 1917?

The United States entered the war with objectives to protect its own security and to reshape the international order based on democracy, free trade, and self-determination, envisioning a role for the League of Nations in upholding this new system.

Outlines

00:00

🌍 The Purpose and Aims of the First World War

The paragraph discusses the various aims and objectives that the Great Powers had when they entered the First World War. It emphasizes that war aims were political, ideological, or economic goals that governments sought to achieve through warfare. The paragraph also highlights that these aims could change over time and were not solely driven by banks or arms manufacturers. It introduces the ideological motivations of the powers, such as fighting for civilization and freedom against barbarism and materialism, as noted by H.G. Wells. The paragraph sets the stage for a detailed exploration of the specific war aims of each power involved in the conflict.

05:01

🎖️ War Aims of Central Powers: Austria-Hungary and Germany

This section delves into the war aims of the Central Powers, particularly Austria-Hungary and Germany. Austria-Hungary initially sought a local war to weaken Serbia but eventually aimed for territorial gains and the preservation of its Great Power status. The paragraph details the internal debates within Austria-Hungary regarding territorial aims and the eventual dependency on Germany. Germany's war aims are more complex and debated, ranging from early ambitions of annexations to later considerations of a negotiated peace. The September Program is mentioned as a reflection of Germany's potential expansionist goals, and the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk is highlighted as a significant achievement of German aims in the East, despite the eventual failure to achieve long-term dominance in Europe.

10:03

🏰 The Ottoman Empire and Russian Empire's War Aims

The paragraph explores the war aims of the Ottoman Empire and the Russian Empire. The Ottomans joined the war with limited aims due to their relative weakness, seeking to preserve their empire and independence by forming alliances and consolidating their state, which included internal repressions. The Russian Empire, on the other hand, aimed to maintain its prestige as a Great Power, support Serbia, and prevent German dominance in Europe. Russia also sought territorial gains, including control over Constantinople and the Turkish Straits. The paragraph outlines how the February 1917 revolution affected Russia's war aims, leading to a shift towards a negotiated peace without annexations and framing the war as a struggle to preserve the revolution.

15:09

🗼 France and Britain's Strategic War Aims

This section focuses on the war aims of France and Britain. France's aims were primarily centered around security and reclaiming Alsace-Lorraine, with various political factions advocating for further territorial gains or the breakup of Germany. French leaders also sought to weaken Germany's economic potential and ensure future security through alliances and new imperial ambitions in the Middle East. Britain's war aims were initially about maintaining the international order and preventing German dominance, which included restoring Belgian independence and limiting German military power. Later, Britain pursued imperial expansion in the Middle East and aimed to balance the post-war order to prevent French dominance. The paragraph also touches on the influence of American entry into the war and the changing nature of French and British war aims in response to the evolving conflict.

20:12

🇺🇸 The United States and Italy's War Aims in WWI

The final paragraph discusses the war aims of the United States and Italy. The United States entered the war with objectives to protect its security and reshape the international order based on democracy and self-determination, aiming to eliminate threats posed by the Central Powers. Italy joined the war with ambitions to complete its unification and expand its territory, with claims growing over the course of the war. The paragraph also notes the outcomes of the war for these countries, with the US achieving its security goals but not joining the League of Nations, and Italy gaining less territory than expected and facing internal unrest. The paragraph concludes with a reflection on the irony that both victors and vanquished would be forming new war aims just two decades later, foreshadowing the Second World War.

Keywords

💡War Aims

War aims refer to the political, ideological, or economic goals that a government seeks to achieve or defend by engaging in warfare. In the context of the video, war aims are central to understanding why countries entered World War I and how their objectives evolved throughout the conflict. For instance, Austria-Hungary initially sought to weaken Serbia to maintain its Great Power status, while Germany had more expansive aims, including the potential annexation of territories and the establishment of a German-dominated customs union in Europe.

💡Central Powers

The Central Powers was the group of countries that included Germany, Austria-Hungary, and the Ottoman Empire, among others, who were aligned against the Allies during World War I. The video discusses the war aims of these countries, such as Austria-Hungary's desire to reduce Serbia's power and Germany's ambitions for European dominance. The term is used to categorize the shared interests and military strategies of these nations in contrast to their adversaries.

💡Allies

The Allies were the countries, including France, Russia, and the United Kingdom, who opposed the Central Powers during World War I. The video outlines the varied war aims of the Allies, such as France's pursuit of security and the recovery of Alsace-Lorraine, and Russia's intention to maintain its prestige and expand its influence in the Balkans. The term is pivotal for understanding the collective goals and the dynamics of the war.

💡Mitteleuropa

Mitteleuropa, or Central Europe in English, was a concept discussed by German leaders during World War I, envisioning a German-dominated customs union that could include various European countries. The video mentions this as part of Germany's economic and political war aims, which was a表层的 economic goal but was fundamentally about asserting German dominance in Europe. The concept illustrates the expansive nature of Germany's strategic thinking during the war.

💡Treaty of Brest-Litovsk

The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk was a peace treaty signed between Germany and the new Bolshevik Russian government in 1918, which resulted in significant territorial gains for Germany in the East. The video describes how this treaty fulfilled some of Germany's war aims by giving it control over regions like Finland, Ukraine, the Baltics, and Poland. This keyword is crucial for understanding the territorial changes and the broader impact of the war on European geopolitics.

💡Self-Determination

Self-determination is the principle that nations or peoples have the right to decide their own political status without external interference. The video discusses how the concept was embraced by the United States, particularly by President Woodrow Wilson, as a core war aim to reshape the international order post-World War I. The term is significant as it reflects the ideological shift towards promoting democracy and national autonomy, which was a reaction against the imperialist policies of the time.

💡League of Nations

The League of Nations was an international organization proposed by President Wilson as part of the peace settlement after World War I, aiming to maintain world peace and prevent future conflicts. The video mentions the League as a key part of Wilson's vision for a new international order based on democracy and self-determination. The concept is integral to understanding the post-war diplomatic efforts and the ideals that motivated some of the Allied countries.

💡Unconditional Surrender

Unconditional surrender is a demand for the complete and absolute submission of a defeated enemy without any conditions. The video concludes by contrasting the outcomes of World War I and World War II, noting that the latter ended with the unconditional surrender of Germany in May 1945. This keyword is significant as it marks a shift in the nature of surrender terms and signifies the total defeat of the Axis powers in World War II.

💡Zimmerman Telegram

The Zimmerman Telegram was a secret diplomatic proposal from Germany to Mexico in 1917, offering US territories to Mexico in the event of a German victory in World War I. The video references this telegram as a catalyst for the United States' entry into the war, illustrating the perceived threat to US security and the strategic decision to join the conflict. The Zimmerman Telegram is a critical event that underscores the interconnectedness of global politics during the war.

💡Sykes-Picot Agreement

The Sykes-Picot Agreement was a secret understanding between the United Kingdom and France in 1916 to divide the Ottoman Empire's territories in the Middle East into spheres of influence. The video discusses this agreement as part of the imperial ambitions of the Allies, particularly France, which sought to expand its control and influence in the region. The term is essential for understanding the post-war reshaping of the Middle East and the long-term implications for regional politics.

Highlights

The First World War's perceived futility contrasts with the complex war aims of the Great Powers involved.

War aims encompassed political, ideological, economic goals that governments sought to achieve through conflict.

Austria-Hungary initially sought a local war to weaken Serbia, reflecting a broader desire to maintain Great Power status.

Germany's war aims were multifaceted, ranging from territorial annexations to the establishment of a German-dominated Mitteleuropa.

The Ottoman Empire's entry into the war was driven by a defensive stance against Slavic neighbors and a quest for independence.

Russia aimed to maintain its Great Power status, with ambitions in the Balkans and control over Constantinople.

France's war aims were primarily focused on security, including the recovery of Alsace-Lorraine and the weakening of Germany.

Britain's objectives included upholding the international order, ensuring the security of its empire, and limiting German power.

Italy's war aims were expansionist, with desires for territorial gains from Austria-Hungary and aspirations in the Ottoman Empire.

The United States entered the war with the goal of ensuring its security and reshaping the international order through democracy and self-determination.

The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk is highlighted as a significant event where Germany aimed to control Eastern Europe's resources.

The war aims of the Great Powers were not static but evolved over the course of the war, reflecting changing circumstances and strategies.

The documentary '16 Days in Berlin' provides an in-depth look at the final battle of World War 2, offering a detailed portrayal of historical events.

Nebula is a streaming service offering exclusive historical documentaries, including '16 Days in Berlin', ad-free.

The documentary series is a production of Real Time History, emphasizing a commitment to detailed and comprehensive historical analysis.

Transcripts

The First World War is often seen as futile and  pointless. Millions of men fought and died for  

years, but no one was satisfied with the outcome,  which did not bring a lasting peace. But that is  

not how governments and many people saw the war  as it was being fought. So what did the countries  

fighting actually want to achieve? In other words,  what was the purpose of the First World War?

To understand why the First World war  was fought, we have to look at the war  

aims of the Great Powers who fought it.  War aims are the political, ideological,  

or economic goals a government decided it wants  to achieve or defend by fighting. Sometimes,  

the Powers changed their war aims depending  on the course of the war, internal debates,  

or reactions to enemy war aims. We  should also remember World War One was  

a war between states – governments  decided to go to war, not banks,  

arms manufacturers, or other interest groups. Ideologically, most powers saw themselves  

as fighting for virtuous ideals, like  civilization, freedom, and culture,  

against enemies representing barbarism or  soulless materialism. Some have argued that  

these ideas were the most important aims of all: “We fight not to destroy a nation, but to kill  

a nest of ideas [...] The ultimate purpose  of this war is propaganda, the destruction  

of certain beliefs and the creation of  others.” [H.G. Wells] (Strachan FWW 1115)

So bearing that in mind let’s start with  the Central Powers. When Austria-Hungary  

declared war on Serbia in July 1914, it  just wanted a local war to weaken Serbia.  

Some had long argued for this, while others,  like Franz Ferdinand himself, were opposed: 

“Even if we settled the score with  Serbia without anyone troubling us,  

what would we gain from it? A band of  thieves, assassins, bandits, and a few plum  

trees.” [Archduke Franz Ferdinand] (Le Naour 58) But in July 1914 he was gone. Vienna decided that  

reducing Serbia would preserve its Great Power  status and prevent the Serbs from acquiring  

Albania or menacing Bosnia in the future. Once the war became generalized, the Austrians  

debated territorial aims, like the annexation  or vassalization of Serbia (though there was no  

agreement), preservation of the border with Italy,  and the possibility of creating a Central-Powers  

friendly Poland. Some politicians also  wanted parts of Albania or Montenegro.  

Foreign Minister Ottokar Czernin, for example,  hoped that if Austria allowed Germany a free  

hand with Poland, it might get territory  from Romania and free hand in the Balkans. 

As the situation worsened, Vienna also aimed  to maintain its independence, since Germany had  

taken control of most military decisions. By late  1917 Austria-Hungary had, in a way, won its war:  

Serbia had been crushed, Russia was all but out of  the war, and Italian forces were on the defensive  

deep in Italy . But the Dual Monarchy’s  government, economy, society were approaching  

collapse. It had also become dependent on and  subservient to Germany, which represented a  

failure to preserve its prestige and power. In  the final year of the war, Emperor Karl aimed  

for a white peace, and to preserve the state by  making concessions to the empire’s Slavic peoples.

Austria-Hungary, of course, achieved none of  what it intended when it started the war in 1914.  

The war aims of its ally Germany, on the other  hand, are perhaps the most hotly debated of all.

One argument is that Germany long planned on  starting a war before Russia got too strong  

and took advantage of the July Crisis to  make a bid for world power in 1914. And  

in the war’s early days, Kaiser Wilhelm and the  high command talked of annexing Russian Poland,  

the Baltics, Belgium, and northern France . But other historians argue German politicians  

were more moderate. A fall 1914 policy  document known as the September Program  

discussed possible annexations, satellite  states, and more land in Africa – but it also  

left these questions open . The Program  also envisioned a future Mitteleuropa,  

a German-dominated customs union. German leaders  discussed whether the union would include Germany,  

Austria-Hungary, and Belgium, or perhaps even  France, Italy and the Netherlands as well.  

Mitteleuropa was an economic goal on the surface,  but was really about German dominance in Europe. 

As the war dragged on, German leaders  divided further. Some favoured a negotiated  

compromise peace, a Scheidemann Peace,  while others stuck to maximalist aims,  

a Hindenburg Peace. Chief of Staff Erich von  Falkenhayn’s aim was modest: “If we survive  

against this coalition of superior strength and  emerge able to negotiate credibly, we will have  

won.” [Erich von Falkenhayn] (Chickering, 107) Berlin did make a peace offer in December 1916,  

though Germany refused to evacuate the  occupied territories, showing Berlin  

still hoped for extensive gains from the  war. The Reichstag then voted for a Peace  

Resolution in July 1917 that gave up annexing  territory . By then though, Germany had become  

a virtual military dictatorship where the  High Command held more sway than parliament. 

The Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, a dictated  peace signed with Bolshevik Russia in 1918,  

fulfilled Germany’s aims in the East:  Germany indirectly controlled Finland,  

Ukraine, the Baltics, and Poland,  and maintained occupation forces.  

The treaty crippled Russia, gave Germany  control of Eastern Europe’s resources,  

and, politicians hoped, could be used as a  tool in future negotiations with the Allies. 

Even in summer 1918 many German military  leaders, still called for annexations in  

the west. In the fall, with the army in full  retrea t, the civilian government hoped to  

salvage what it could by embracing Wilsonian  self-determination to avoid losing territory.

So German goals did indeed trend  towards European dominance. Ironically,  

partly because of the harshness  of Brest-Litovsk, the Allies  

took a harder line. Meanwhile Germany’s  Ottoman ally had much more limited aims.

The Ottoman Empire joined the war in October  1914, and its aims were shaped by its relative  

weakness after defeats in recent wars . The  Sultan’s government reasoned that if they  

stayed neutral, whoever won the war could impose  their will on an isolate ed Constantinople: 

“The Slavic world is growing more rapidly  than its neighbours…a strong Ottoman state  

must form an alliance with Germany and take a  defensive position against the Russian and Balkan  

Slavs.” [Abdurrahman Cami Baykut](McMeekin 87) Politicians were divided as to which side to join,  

but the leaders of the governing Committee  of Union and Progress chose the Central  

Powers because they considered the  Allies a greater threat – the Russian  

Empire wanted to conquer their capital,  and the French and British had imposed  

one-sided economic treaties in the past.  Holding off the Russians and cancelling  

the economic “capitulations” would  restore the Empire’s full independence. 

Given the political unrest the Empire had suffered  before 1914, and surging Turkish nationalism,  

the government also used the war to achieve  its internal aim of state consolidation . This  

included repressions that mostly targeted  Christian Greeks and, especially, Armenians.  

The deportation and killing of much of these  populations, in the eyes of the government, made  

the Empire a more stable, Muslim-dominated state. After battlefield success in 1915, the Russian  

revolution, and Greek entry on the Allied side  in 1917 Constantinople formed territorial goals  

as well: they wanted the northeastern  regions lost to Russia in 1877 (which  

they briefly recovered after Brest-Litovsk),  Aegean islands to protect the Dardanelles,  

and to recover Egypt and Tripolitania from Britain  and Italy. They also planned to increase Ottoman  

influence in the Caucasus, Iran, and Afghanistan  – though Germany was uneasy with this objective.

The Ottomans failed to preserve their empire, but  paradoxically they did consolidate their state,  

which contributed to a post-war Turkish  Republic . Now let’s turn to the Allies,  

starting with the Russian Empire.

One of St. Petersburg’s aims in 1914 was  maintaining its Great Power prestige after defeat  

in the Russo-Japanese War , the Revolution of  1905, and a diplomatic defeat in Austria-Hungary’s  

annexation of Bosnia in 1908 . Russian leaders  felt they couldn’t afford to back down over  

Serbia in 1914, even though the High Command  worried the army wasn’t ready for a general war. 

Tsar Nicholas II made the position clear when war  came: “We have now to intercede not only for a  

related country, unjustly attacked (…) but also  to safeguard the honour, dignity, and integrity  

of Russia, and her position among the great  powers.” [Nicholas II] (Schimmelpenninck, 3) 

During the war, St. Petersburg claimed German and  Austro-Hungarian territory, and wanted to prevent  

Germany from becoming dominant in Europe. Some of  this territory might be included in an autonomous  

Polish kingdom under the Tsar, and they suggested  breaking up Austria-Hungary much earlier than any  

other Ally. The Russians also hoped Serbia  would expand at Austria’s expense. All this  

would increase Russian influence in the Balkans. Once the Ottomans joined the Central Powers,  

Russia aimed for control of Constantinople  and the Turkish Straits, which would allow  

them access to the Mediterranean and give  them control over an Orthodox Holy city. 

After the February 1917 revolution, the weakness  of the Provisional Government and the influence  

of the Petrograd Soviet changed Russia’s  aims . The Kerensky government now suggested  

a negotiated peace without annexations, and  framed the war as a struggle to preserve the  

revolution against reactionary Central Powers  monarchies . When the Bolsheviks overthrew the  

Provisional Government in October, they  wanted peace at any price to consolidate  

their revolution and focus on the civil war  against the counter-revolutionary Whites.

France’s political and military war aims were  mostly about security in the face of a larger,  

more powerful Germany. Public discussion  was limited, but in December 1914,  

President Raymond Poincaré stated France  wanted the return of Alsace-Lorraine,  

Belgian independence, the destruction of  Prussian militarism, and a reorganized  

Europe that would ensure French security . Parliamentarians hotly debated territorial  

claims beyond Alsace-Lorraine. Some, both on the  right and centre-left, wanted to extend French  

influence in some form over Belgium, Luxembourg,  and Germany’s Saarland and Rhineland regions.  

More radical politicians proposed that France  support an independent state in the Rhineland  

or even annex it. A few hardliners proposed  breaking up all of Germany into smaller pieces. 

Prime Minister Georges Clémenceau summed  up French resolve, equating waging war  

with achieving war aims: “My foreign policy  and my home policy are the same. At home I  

wage war. Abroad, I wage war… I shall go on  waging war.” [Georges Clémenceau] (Tison, 4) 

French leaders also wanted to weaken German  economic potential in the future, including  

inter-Allied oversight of raw material production  in Europe. Some argued for a post-war political  

union with Belgium and Luxembourg, or a customs  union with the Low Countries and Italy – all  

to secure French influence and security against  Germany. What never changed were the objectives  

to defeat Germany, recover Alsace-Lorraine, and  create a new security architecture in Europe. 

France also developed new imperial ambitions.  The Sykes-Picot Agreement of 1916 granted  

France direct control and a zone of influence in  what were then Ottoman lands in the Middle East,  

but Paris never clearly defined France’s  goals in the region until after the war. 

France’s late-war goals also included future  security guarantees from the United States and  

Britain. American entry into the war, the desire  of the French army and people for peace , pressure  

from the French socialist parties, and the  Bolshevik revolution in 1917 all modified  

French aims. Without Russian support, they  dropped the idea of a Rhenish state or breakup  

of Germany. France had not wanted the breakup of  Austria-Hungary for fear Germany might gain from  

it, but when President Wilson insisted, the French  pushed for the new states in Central Europe to be  

as large as possible to resist potential German  influence in the future – there was even talk of  

a Greater Poland including Lithuania and part of  Ukraine . France also wanted close relations with  

Poland, Czechoslovakia, Romania, Yugoslavia,  and potentially Ukraine to counter Germany.

In the end France recovered Alsace-Lorraine,  gained new colonies and partly weakened Germany,  

but failed to create a Europe where France was  safe – partly because of British resistance.

In 1914, the British government was divided  about joining the war, until Germany attacked  

neutral Belgium. Germany’s violation of Belgian  sovereignty looked to London like a threat to  

the international order it wanted to uphold. If  Britain didn’t join the war, Germany might become  

the dominant power in Europe and leave Britain  isolated – something politician Sir Edward  

Grey had worried about as far back as 1911: “The moment the weakest Powers in Europe were  

assailed, either by diplomacy or by force, one  by one they would appeal to us to help them.  

[If we] sat by and looked on and did nothing,  then people ought to realise that the result  

would be one great combination in Europe,  outside which we should be left without a  

friend” [Sir Edward Grey] (Jeffrey, 47) Britain saw the restoration of Belgian  

independence, reducing German military and naval  power, and limiting German influence in Africa  

and the Middle East as its primary war aims  in 1914. To keep Britain’s global empire and  

maritime trade secure, Germany must not be  able to project its power on the high seas. 

In 1916, Britain added imperial expansion to its  goals, with the Sykes-Picot Agreement dividing  

the Ottoman Middle East with France. Britain’s  potential new territories in the region would  

improve the security of the Suez Canal and sea  lanes to India, and provide more resources,  

especially oil. British presence in the Middle  East would also counter future Russian influence,  

especially once Russia became a  hostile Communist power in late 1917. 

These Realpolitik war aims conveniently  overlapped with liberal ideas of free trade,  

and the independence and freedom of small nations: 

“We have battled and will continue to battle our  hardest for the common cause in Europe. But on  

behalf of that cause, as well as in defence of  our existence, we shall find ourselves compelled  

to complete the liberation of the Arabs,  to make secure the independence of Persia,  

and if we can, of Armenia, and to protect  tropical Africa from German economic and  

military exploitation. All these objects are  justifiable in themselves and don’t become less  

so because they also increase the general sphere  of British influence, and afford a strategical  

security [...]” [Leo Amery] (Jeffrey, 58) During the Peace Conference, the UK’s  

diplomatic goals shifted to trying to make  sure German commerce would partly recover,  

and that France would not become  too dominant in the post-war order.

The UK achieved imperial expansion, restored  Belgian independence, and eliminated the  

German fleet and colonial empire. Italy  though, was quite unhappy with its results.

Italy joined the Allies in 1915, since  nationalists wanted to complete the  

unification of the country that had started  in the 19th century. Their position won out  

over the neutralist and socialist camps, both  of whom wanted to keep Italy out of the war. 

Rome didn’t have clear war  aims before Italy joined,  

but its claims soon grew according to  the policy known as “sacred egoism.”  

Italy wanted Austro-Hungarian territory  – not only where Italian-speakers lived,  

but defensible so-called natural borders in the  Alps and surrounding the Adriatic. They also hoped  

for new imperial conquests in Ottoman Anatolia and  the Aegean, and possibly a deal to expand Italian  

colonies in Africa in exchange for the British  and French taking German colonies elsewhere. 

Later in the war, Italians debated whether they  would be strong enough to protect everything  

they claimed if they ever received it - especially  after the Russian revolution removed an ally and  

potential rival. The threat of a victorious  Tsarist Russia influencing Central European  

Slavs on Italy’s doorstep disappeared, and a  potential Yugoslav state became the new challenge. 

Prime minister Vittorio Orlando saw an  opportunity: “When imperial Russia’s triumph  

was a possibility, with the immense influence it  would have gained over the Slavs of Austria and  

the Balkans, which would have become one of its  branches to the Adriatic and the Mediterranean,  

taking territorial precautions could be justified.  Not today. Today the Slavs of Austria, the Serbs,  

the Yugoslavs are very disheartened; they  feel they have lost their ancient and powerful  

protector, and look to us. If we know how to  handle things and we offer them friendship,  

our prestige, in the alliance, as the main  protectors of their cause, will increase,  

after the Russian protection has failed  […].” : [Vittorio Orlando] (Baravelli, 5) 

But the more aggressive camp, led by Foreign  Minister Sidney Sonnino or extreme nationalists  

like Gabriele D’Annunzio, won out, and Italy  retained its early-war goals, supported the  

complete dismemberment of Austria-Hungary  , and clashed with the Yugoslavs over  

territorial claims at the Peace Conference. When the peace treaties were signed, Italy  

gained less territory than Rome expected,  its relations with Yugoslavia were poor,  

and it was wracked by social unrest . It  temporarily also gained territory in Anatolia,  

which it quickly gave up in the face of  Turkish resistance and instability at home.

The United States entered the war in April  1917 with political and ideological objectives:  

to protect its own security and to remake  the international order. Many Americans saw  

the Central Powers’ actions as a direct threat  to US safety. Beyond the US lives and property  

lost to German U-Boats when the US was still  neutral , the infamous Zimmerman Telegram,  

in which Germany proposed an alliance with  Mexico against the US, caused Washington to  

see Germany as a real threat . And, if the  Central Powers won the war, that might mean  

a worrying German presence in what the US saw as  its backyard – a peace settlement might have seen  

the Germans make claims for territory or bases in  French or British possessions in the Caribbean,  

South America, or even Canada . So, one US war  aim was to eliminate this potential danger,  

since Washington feared if they stayed neutral,  a Central Powers victory prove dangerous. 

The most well-known US war aim was to reimagine  an international order based on democracy,  

free trade, and self-determination. The new system  would be upheld by the League of Nations , which  

President Wilson wanted to create as part of  the peace settlement. At first, Wilson called  

for peace without victory, and saw the root  problem of the international system, and the  

cause of the war, as imperialism and autocracy. But, partly because of the harsh terms of the  

Treaty of Brest-Litovsk in 1918, Wilson  became convinced that Germany had to be  

weakened. However, in contrast to the British  and French, he still wanted Germany to quickly  

recover and join the post-war League of Nations.  Wilson’s advisor, Colonel House, hoped the League  

of Nations would guarantee peace with Germany: “… if after establishing the League, we are so  

stupid as to let Germany train and arm a large  army and again become a menace to the world,  

we would deserve the fate which such folly would  bring upon us.” [Edward House] (Macmillan 182) 

In the end the US achieved its own security goals  by contributing the defeat of the Central Powers,  

but did not achieve Wilson’s international  vision, and did not join the League of Nations.

So while it is often said that the First World War  was fought for nothing, historically speaking this  

wasn’t the case for the countries who fought it.  They all had distinct war aims, some moral, some  

expansionist, and some defensive, which changed  and evolved over the course of the war. What they  

did not know is that both victors and vanquished  would be forming new war aims just 20 years later.

And unlike 1918, the Second World War in  Europe wouldn’t end with a ceasefire but  

only with unconditional surrender of Germany  in May 1945. In the final weeks of the war the  

Red Army launched a massive offensive from  the banks of the Oder river to take Berlin,  

the capital of Nazi Germany where its leader  Adolf Hitler was holding out in his bunker.  

The Battle of Berlin is one of the biggest battles  in history, but often overlooked in classic World  

War 2 documentaries. That’s why we produced  the most detailed documentary about the final  

assault on Berlin. With a total runtime of over  4 hours, our documentary series 16 Days in Berlin  

follows the battle day by day featuring detailed  maps, infographics, authentic combat footage,  

expert interviews and much more. Due to the  uncompromising portrayal of the Second World War,  

we cannot upload this documentary to YouTube. So,  where can you watch 16 Days in Berlin? On Nebula,  

a streaming service we’re building together  with other creators. On Nebula you can watch  

our exclusive documentaries like 16 Days in  Berlin, all our content ad-free and other  

awesome creators like Epic History TV. If you  go to nebula.tv/thegreatwar you can sign up for  

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A Nebula subscription is also a great gift.  So if you want to beat the holiday shopping  

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Nebula for yourself or someone else, you will  also support us at Real Time History directly.

We want to thank Sophie Soulière for  her help with this episode. As usual  

you can find all the sources  for this episode in the video  

description below. If you are watching  this video on Nebula or Patreon,  

thank you so much for the support, we couldn’t do  it without you. I am Jesse Alexander and this is a  

production of Real Time History, the only history  channel not following a policy of sacred egoism.