Same Sex Marriage: J Sai Deepak argues before CJI Chandrachud led bench in Supreme Court
Summary
TLDRThe speaker passionately argues against the judicial intervention in societal norms, emphasizing the importance of legislative processes and societal participation in matters of marriage and family. They discuss the separation of powers, the role of the president in legislation, and the potential ramifications of bypassing societal consensus for individual rights. The speech also touches on international law, highlighting the Yogyakarta Principles, and suggests focusing on more pressing issues for marginalized groups before addressing marital rights.
Takeaways
- ๐ต๏ธ The speaker emphasizes the distinction between 'Fetters' and 'Powers', suggesting that the petitioners' issue falls within either prohibited areas or areas for judicial adjudication.
- ๐ The first law of thermodynamics is used metaphorically to encapsulate the speaker's position on the matter at hand, indicating a foundational principle.
- โ๏ธ The speaker discusses the issue of legislative competence and the separation of powers, suggesting that societal participation in the proceedings is crucial.
- ๐ The speaker argues against the idea that liberal democracy should exclude social conservatism, questioning the right of society to draw boundaries.
- ๐ The speaker represents a women's organization and highlights the potential individualization of marriage, arguing that it should retain its social character.
- ๐ช The speaker raises concerns about the societal implications of changing heteronormative attitudes and the impact on children and single parents.
- ๐ The speaker refers to the Manual of Parliamentary Procedures, particularly Clause 9.2, to argue that legislative proposals should follow a detailed process that includes societal consultation.
- ๐ฅ The speaker asserts that the judiciary should not substitute the societal process of revisiting normative attitudes, advocating for societal engagement over judicial paternalism.
- ๐ The speaker points out inconsistencies in the interpretation of sexual orientation and gender identity within the judgment, suggesting the need for clarity.
- ๐ The speaker mentions international law, specifically the Yogyakarta Principles, noting that countries have the autonomy to decide on recognition of marital units.
- ๐ฎ The speaker concludes by suggesting that while the cause may be worthy, the court should consider the broader implications of judicial intervention on future cases and societal issues.
Q & A
What is the primary argument presented by the speaker in the script?
-The speaker argues the distinction between 'Fetters and Powers', emphasizing the central issue of whether certain matters should be within the purview of the judiciary or legislative bodies, and the role of society in such discussions.
What does the speaker mean by 'the first law of thermodynamics' in the context of the argument?
-This seems to be a metaphorical reference to a fundamental principle that encapsulates the speaker's position on the matter at hand, rather than a literal reference to a scientific law.
What is the significance of the speaker's mention of 'heteronormative attitudes'?
-The speaker is discussing the societal norms around marriage and questioning whether the court should intervene to change these norms, suggesting that society should have the agency to participate in such discussions.
What is the speaker's stance on the role of the judiciary in societal issues?
-The speaker argues against the judiciary substituting societal causation with judicial paternalism, suggesting that the court should not be used to circumvent democratic processes.
How does the speaker view the role of the society in legislative changes?
-The speaker believes that society, as the chief stakeholder, should have the right to participate in discussions on legislative changes, especially when it comes to societal institutions like marriage.
What is the speaker's position on the individualizing of socio-centric institutions?
-The speaker opposes the individualization of socio-centric institutions like marriage, arguing that it demeans the institution and removes its social character.
What does the speaker mean by 'the cause is different from the case'?
-The speaker is distinguishing between the underlying issues or concerns (the cause) and the legal arguments being made in court (the case), suggesting that while the concerns may be valid, the legal arguments may not be.
What is the significance of the 'manual for parliamentary procedure of 2019' mentioned by the speaker?
-The manual is significant as it outlines the steps for promulgating legislation, which the speaker argues cannot be substituted by judicial mechanisms, emphasizing the importance of following proper legislative processes.
What is the speaker's view on the role of international law in the context of the discussion?
-The speaker points out that international instruments, such as the Yogyakarta Principles, do not impose a binding precedent on the issue at hand, leaving it to individual countries to decide.
What is the speaker's final submission regarding the broader implications of the case?
-The speaker suggests that while the cause may be worthy, the implications of opening the door to judicial intervention in such matters could have broader consequences for the future, beyond the specific case at hand.
Outlines
๐ Legal and Constitutional Debate on Social Norms and Marriage
The speaker begins by acknowledging the time constraint and emphasizes the importance of their written submissions, which capture their position on the matter at hand. The main theme revolves around the distinction between 'Fetters and Powers', highlighting the central issue of whether the petitioners' concerns fall within prohibited areas or are subject to judicial review. The speaker raises questions about legislative competence, separation of powers, and the societal agency's right to participate in proceedings that could change heteronormative attitudes. They argue that the petitions' focus on individualizing marriage demeans its social character and challenges the societal norms without proper legislative process. The speaker also discusses the role of the president in the legislative process under Article 111 of the Constitution and the importance of societal participation in matters of social legislation.
๐ Judicial Overreach and the Manual of Parliamentary Procedures
This paragraph delves into the intricacies of the legislative process as outlined in the Manual of Parliamentary Procedures, specifically focusing on the pre-drafting stage of a legislative proposal. The speaker argues against the judicial mechanism substituting the legislative steps, emphasizing the importance of societal participation and the role of the president in the legislative process. They point out inconsistencies in the court's interpretation of sexual orientation and gender identity, suggesting that judicial revisitation may not be the optimal approach. The speaker also addresses the issue of international law, noting that the Yogyakarta Principles leave the recognition of marital units to individual countries, thus not imposing a binding precedent. The paragraph concludes with a cautionary note on the implications of judicial intervention for future cases and societal issues, advocating for a more comprehensive approach to addressing the concerns of transgender activists beyond marriage rights.
๐ The Limits of Judicial Interpretation and Societal Priorities
In the final paragraph, the speaker discusses the limitations of judicial interpretation, particularly in the context of extending previous judgments to new areas such as marital transactions. They highlight potential inconsistencies in the court's understanding of gender identity and sexual orientation, and the risks of judicial reinscription that may rewrite legislative history. The speaker also emphasizes the importance of addressing more immediate and fundamental issues faced by transgender individuals, such as trafficking and lack of legitimate livelihoods, suggesting that these needs should be prioritized before advancing other rights. The paragraph concludes with a plea for a balanced approach that considers both the legal and societal implications of the court's decisions.
Mindmap
Keywords
๐กFirst Law of Thermodynamics
๐กFetters and Powers
๐กLegislative Competence
๐กSeparation of Powers
๐กHeteronormative Attitudes
๐กCivil Society Organization
๐กMarriage as a Socio-Centric Institution
๐กArticle 111 of the Constitution
๐กManual of Parliamentary Procedures
๐กJudicial Paternalism
๐กYogyakarta Principles
Highlights
The speaker emphasizes the limited time of 20 minutes to present their position.
The speaker refers to the first law of thermodynamics as a metaphor for encapsulating their position in the debate.
A central issue is the distinction between 'Fetters and Powers' in the context of the petitioner's argument.
The speaker discusses the societal right to agency in the proceedings, questioning if society has a right to participate.
The concept of a 'liberal democracy' is questioned, exploring whether it excludes social conservatism.
The speaker represents a women's organization and discusses the implications of individualizing marriage.
The speaker argues that changing societal norms through the court undermines the democratic process.
The role of the judiciary is questioned, with the speaker suggesting it should not substitute societal causation.
The speaker discusses the legislative process under Article 111 of the Constitution, including presidential prerogatives.
The importance of the manual of parliamentary procedures for understanding the legislative process is highlighted.
The speaker criticizes the use of judicial mechanisms to bypass societal discussions on normative attitudes.
The speaker argues that judgments should not be read as statutes, cautioning against judicial paternalism.
Inconsistencies in the judgment are pointed out, questioning the clarity of definitions like sexual orientation and gender identity.
The Yogyakarta Principles are mentioned, noting that they leave the recognition of marital units to individual countries.
The speaker warns of the implications of opening the door to judicial intervention in societal matters.
The speaker suggests focusing on more pressing issues for transgender activists, such as trafficking and livelihoods.
The speaker concludes by emphasizing the importance of addressing foundational needs before moving on to other issues.
Transcripts
permission given that I have only 20
minutes and which I expect may not even
happen I'll do my best to Simply
formulate my position and as opposed to
leaning out from anything kindly alarm
just to engage with the bench because my
written submissions capture my position
that's already been shared
so there are two aspects just give us
one second we'll just go to your written
submission so as we are arguing we can
also keep a track of your submission if
I'm Eminence uh an additional returns
have additional submissions or the
original one the original the additional
is a one page note and I'll anyway
address it so my loss could perhaps
refer to the first written submission
so what is broadly the line of uh if I
may say so
the first law of thermodynamics
effectively encaps encapsulates the
entire position when it comes to physics
and from there or curologies flow so the
central position that is effectively
placed before my Lord is with respect to
the distinction between Fetters and
Powers
which is to say that this particular
area which
the petitioners seek to espouse before
my lords is an area which Falls within
either prohibited areas or is it
something that falls within the area for
my large adjudication that is the
central issue and I think that is the
forest that is thought to be presented
before my lords I am here to perhaps
unpack a few leaves for my last
consideration
the question of legislative competence
is just one aspect of the issue which
hinges on separation of powers but I go
a step further which is to say
that when the petitions raise the
question of change in heteronormative
attitudes does the society have a right
of agency to participate in these
proceedings or not at least in this
particular issue or not
because this is not a question of
separation of territories between
different organs of the state but it
fundamentally hinges on the right or the
agency of the society to participate in
this particular discussion and that is
the central problem in these kind of
issues and subjects are taken by the
court of law as opposed to leaving it
for legislative prerogative to apply its
mind
Point number two during the course of
these proceedings in the last two weeks
quite a few times I've heard the
submission being made that it's a
liberal democracy it's a liberal
documents a liberal documents on and so
forth does it mean that social
conservative has absolute conservatism
has absolutely no place within the
meaning of the Constitution does it mean
that the society does not have the right
to draw a few red lines to basically say
thus far and no further
that is the central question
I represent a women's organization which
equally represents the right of children
and therefore as a civil society
organization the question that is being
raised is that the nature of the prayers
raised in the petition has the
consequence of individualizing a
socio-centric institution such as
marriage
which is to say as long as it is a
transaction that takes place between two
individuals who are consenting and who
are not prohibited by any prohibition of
degree so to speak the rest of the
society has absolutely no say as far as
this institution is concerned this I'm
sorry to say fundamentally demeans the
institution of marriage and takes away
its social character
so these are the meta questions that I
think which arise for concentration
before this honorable Court when these
kind of practitioners are fine I am
sorry to say this and let me try and
perhaps tone down the rigor of my
submission to the extent of saying I
believe that they have a cause I just
don't believe they have a case
the cause is different from the case
and it is important for the court to
seriously consider one aspect here
when there are issues of legislative
competence this another figure so to
speak which is involved and that figures
Powers come under article 111 of the
Constitution
which is to say
that if a legislative proposal
ultimately meets with the consent of
both the houses ultimately it has to go
to The Honorable president and the
honorable President also has the power
to recommend amendments to a legislation
therefore this is not just a question of
legislative prerogative or legislative
sovereignty either from an external or
an internal perspective but there are
multiple dramatist personnel and
stakeholders with this particular
equation the society being the chief
because ultimately the petitions raised
the question of changing the Paradigm
with respect to heteronormative
Attitudes of legislations in general it
is not just about the SMA
plus my lords is not dealing with a
religion specific legislation here it is
the SMA which means all the more the
society's participation when it comes to
the SMA is warranted is mandated as
compulsory
because at least if it were to be with
respect to certain let's say religion
specific legislations it can be said
that there is an identifiable Group
which has a locust to argue here but
when it comes to the SMA it can't be the
argument that only those who subscribe
to the values of SMA are allowed to
participate in these proceedings
secondly as has been already submitted
section 21 of the SMA has a direct
bearing on personal loss so even with
respect to SMA the society has a right
to participate
the reason why the additional written
submissions become relevant is because I
filed an annexure which is the manual
for parliamentary procedure of 2019
which is published by the ministry of
parliamentary affairs
and that particular manual so to speak
has chapter 9 which deals with the
business of legislation
close to 30 Clauses exist
detailing the manner in which a
legislative proposal is to be considered
in the first place how the ball is set
rolling
and in that if I might if I refer to my
additional written submission here
I'll walk my Lots through the relevant
portion here
additional written submission will not
as a copy being given to the other side
please send it over
effectively has captured my position
with respect to article 111 but the
second paragraph is where I placed
Reliance on the manual of parliamentary
procedures does my lots have it yes we
have it for the benefit of the benchment
I just read this out
which para uh
9.2 exactly exactly
so para two so I'm reading out from the
written submission because
right right right and the uh the
document itself is annexed so let me
just read out these submission Millers
yes please
yes in addition to the above please in
addition to the above so can I just read
out para one for the sake of completion
I'm so sorry may I please
yes it is humbly submitted that apart
from circumvention of legislative
prerogative and sovereignty violation of
the doctrine of separation of powers
seriously impinges and encroaches upon
presidential prerogative under article
111 of the Constitution
under the said article firstly The
Honorable president has the right to
receive the bill for his Ascent after it
is passed by both houses of Parliament
this translates to countervailing
obligations on the parliament to present
the bill for the honorable president's
assent further under the article not
only does The Honorable president have
the right to withhold SN but also the
power to recommend amendments and also
reconsideration of certain specific
Provisions in a certain bill now
paragraph number two
in addition to the above Reliance is
also placed on the manual of
parliamentary procedures issued by the
ministry of parliamentary Affairs in
July 2019 which contains a specific
chapter chapter 9 titled legislation my
apologies for the speed I'm just trying
to keep up with time here please
the said chapter spells out in great
detail the steps to be undertaken in
promulgating a legislation critically
Clause 9.2 deals with a pre-drafting
stage of a legislative proposal which is
divided into four broad stages that
include consultation between the
concerned Ministry to which the
legislative proposal relates and the
ministry of Law and Justice critically
the latter Ministry shall review the
legislative proposal for legal and
constitutional feasibility validity as
also and here I quote necessity and
desirability of such a proposal
approval of the cabinet followed by an
Ascent assentment sorry ascent and sorry
assessment underclass 9.6 of the
expenditure involved critically class
9.7.1 NSR is securing the recommendation
of The Honorable president after the
introduction of the bill which is
different from the essence sort under
article 111
then milots class 9.12 speaks of the
possible referral of that particular
Bill to a select committee or a joint
committee or for circulation for public
opinion if I may say so and I say this
with the deepest of respect and the
greatest humility that I can command at
this point
that the judicial mechanism cannot be a
substitute to any of these steps
especially when it comes to such a
serious issue
and I draw from Hindu law here that the
purpose of marriage or the object of
dampattia is a child
is procreation now therefore comes the
central question with respect to all the
permutations and combinations which were
not supposed by way of circumstances
what happens to a single child what
happens to a single parent what happens
if it's a homosexual single parent so on
and so forth allow me to answer this
question in a slightly different fashion
public morality is decided by normative
attitudes the norm is decided primarily
by the mainstream this is not a
majoritarian argument this is a
statement of fact in a democracy
Point number two
when normative attitudes are sought to
be Revisited
to say that those who constitute the
norm don't get to participate in this
discussion
because that particular process and that
particular let's say dance of democracy
is sought to be circumvented by using
the instrumental of the court to secure
a certain outcome I'm sorry to say
defeats the purpose of advocacy
those who are interested in convincing
the society are expected to engage with
the rest of the society to make good
their cause
the Judiciary cannot be a substitute to
this particular process because then
that effectively replaces societal
causation with I'm sorry to use the
words judicial paternalism that can't
happen
three
the benefit of revisitation
offer judgment with respect to such
sensitive issues even if it exists by
way of clarifications I'm sorry to say
it's not an adequate substitute it's a
sub-optimal substitute
because if the principle that has been
established by several judgments is that
a judgment is not to be read in the
manner of a statute
then there is no Precision which can be
imparted to the language or findings and
therefore the principles of statutory
interpretation don't apply so we are
left with greater uncertainty
yes yes please
the point that I'm perhaps trying to
make and which is what I'm trying to
draw the quotes attention to is that the
nulls are judgment that they placed
lines upon extensively there is a plus
and there is perhaps a downside to it
the plus is the Judgment must be read in
its context and the issue was the
recognition of a third gender that was
what it was limited itself to and
therefore to extrapolate the findings of
the particular judgment which primarily
concerned itself with self-perception
self-identification in the context of
gender identity
to extend it to a marital transaction or
a managed like transaction
is to read a judgment for what it is not
secondly
there are only three in places I think
we perhaps are aware of how to read
these judgments please we don't need it
need to be taught I'm sorry I understand
I'm just placing Reliance on this I'm
just making sure you understand that
these are these contexts please whether
their analogies or not is up to us
please watch I'm grateful
the second point is
in fact on a closer reading of this
particular judgment
certain inconsistencies emerge between
the two opinions of the very same bench
in terms of what constitutes sexual
orientation what constitutes gender
identity
now that is natural because there is a
discussion that's going on there it is
not to be read in the same manner as a
statute
in fact therefore the judgment
which doesn't exactly help their
position also points to a certain
problem with respect to judicial
revisitation of some of these aspects
and the Judgment of just of of Arun
Kumar of The Madras high court is
actually in the teeth of the submissions
being made here which is to say narrow
language being expanded through judicial
interpretation contrary to legislative
intent in history
is to rewrite legislative history and
judicial reinscription which is
retrospective in nature may not be
exactly permissible that's one
then we'll add the submission with
respect to international law
all the general instruments apart
the yogicarta principle specifically
cost 24 Point e
specifically leaves it to countries to
decide if they wish to have recognition
with respect to marital units so it's
not as if there is some kind of a
binding precedent here or there's not
there's no International instrument that
says that you shall
I am not arguing for it should not be
kindly let this caveat is important I'm
simply saying
if the door of judicial intervention and
this matter is open for one case even
though the cause may be worthy
what does it do for the future because
ultimately it's not just it's not just a
question of one matter
it's a question of the future as well so
therefore there are specific aspects
that relate to the issue in question and
there are General aspects that relate to
the separation of powers and societal
participation that go well beyond this
matter
in light of this Mirage my only humble
submission is
that there are other issues to be dealt
with and Alignment is just point us out
and use this particular Forum to
Advocate only one aspect having actually
engaged with certain transgender
activists and also having worked with
them I know for a fact that one of their
biggest problems
is trafficking
them being pushed into prostitution them
not having legitimate livelihoods I am
not reducing or dismissing anybody's
concerns with respect to what is their
priority let me clarify that I'm not
making the submission at all but these
are certain Maslow's needs which have to
be completed first and which have to be
addressed first before we get to the
next step that's all I have to submit
I'm so grateful for the kind please
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