How Burma Became Independent - Cold War DOCUMENTARY
Summary
TLDRThis episode of 'The Cold War' explores Burma's (now Myanmar) complex neutrality during the Cold War, amidst global division and internal conflict. It details the struggle for independence from British rule, the formation of resistance groups like the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL), and the political maneuverings that led to independence in 1948. The narrative also touches on the challenges of ethnic diversity and the assassination of key leader Aung San, setting the stage for ongoing turmoil in the region.
Takeaways
- 🌍 The Cold War was characterized by a division between East and West, but some countries like Burma (now Myanmar) aimed to remain neutral.
- 🏹 Burma's neutrality was driven by internal conflicts and insurgencies, which left the country reluctant to engage in external ideological struggles.
- 🏛️ The Japanese occupation of Burma during World War II and the subsequent puppet government led to the formation of resistance groups like the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL).
- 🛑 The British and the AFPFL had differing visions for post-war Burma, with the former favoring restoration of colonial rule and the latter seeking independence.
- 🔄 The political landscape of Burma was complex, with various ethnic groups like the Karens aspiring for independence and autonomy.
- 📜 The Panglong Agreement was a significant step towards defining the borders of modern Myanmar and granting autonomy to certain ethnic states.
- 🔫 The widespread availability of weapons and a politically mobilized population in post-war Burma contributed to ongoing instability and conflict.
- 🏢 The assassination of Aung San, a key figure in Burma's independence movement, highlighted the intense political rivalries and violence of the time.
- ⏳ The London Agreement and the subsequent independence of Burma were marked by both diplomatic achievements and the continuation of internal strife.
- 🏞️ Despite achieving independence, Burma faced ongoing challenges, setting the stage for a period of chaos and conflict under the Nu regime.
Q & A
Why did Burma attempt to remain neutral during the Cold War?
-Burma, present day Myanmar, tried to remain neutral because they were already dealing with various internal conflicts and insurgencies, and they did not want to invite further trouble by aligning with either side of the Cold War.
What was the role of the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL) in Burma's history?
-The AFPFL was a major player in post-war Burma, working with the British and other Allied forces to oust the Japanese. It was instrumental in securing Burmese independence, with General Aung San being a key figure in the organization.
How did the British and the Allied Land Forces of Southeast Asia (ALF-SEA) differ in their plans for post-war Burma?
-The ALF-SEA viewed Burma as a stepping stone for launching offensives against the Japanese, while the British Civil Affairs Service (CAS[B]) focused on restoring colonial rule, showing favoritism towards ethnic minorities they considered loyal to the British.
What was the significance of the Panglong Agreement in 1947?
-The Panglong Agreement, signed on February 12, 1947, promised full autonomy to the Shan states and other ethnic groups like the Chin and the Kachin, and defined the borders of modern Myanmar. It is still celebrated in Myanmar as Union Day.
Why did some ethnic minorities in Burma, such as the Karens, aspire to create independent states?
-Ethnic minorities like the Karens aspired to create independent states because they did not see prospects for their people in a united Burma, and they faced challenges in defining a distinct homeland due to their mixed living situations with other ethnic groups.
What was the impact of General Aung San's assassination on Burma's path to independence?
-General Aung San's assassination did not derail Burma's path to independence; instead, it seemed to accelerate the process. His death led to the swift approval of a new constitution and the decision to sever ties with Britain entirely.
Who was U Saw and why was he significant in the context of Burma's independence?
-U Saw was a prominent Burmese political figure and a rival of General Aung San. He was significant because he organized and ordered the assassination of Aung San, which had a profound impact on Burma's political landscape during its struggle for independence.
What were the terms of the White Paper on Burma issued by the British government in 1945?
-The White Paper outlined a three-stage independence program for Burma. It included a 3-year interim period with possible Burmese representation, followed by elections for a new government, the writing of a new constitution, and discussions about the control of the Frontier areas.
How did the British government's approach to the Frontier areas contribute to regional conflicts in Burma?
-The British government's approach to include the ethnically diverse Frontier areas in the new Burmese state was controversial and a source of regional conflicts, as many of these areas sought their own independent states.
What were the conditions in Burma like after the return of the colonial government in 1945?
-After the return of the colonial government in 1945, Burma was in chaos with no effective authority, rampant crime, and a deteriorating economy. This fueled discontent and animosity towards the colonial rulers.
Outlines
🌍 The Neutrality of Burma During the Cold War
This paragraph discusses how Burma, now known as Myanmar, chose to remain neutral during the Cold War, not aligning with either the East or the West. It highlights the internal struggles of the country, including political insurgencies and militant separatists, which made external entanglements undesirable. The narrative sets the stage for exploring Burma's complex path to independence and the ongoing conflicts that have shaped its modern history.
🏰 The Complexities of Post-War Burma
The second paragraph delves into the post-World War II era in Burma, detailing the power dynamics between the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL), the British Civil Affairs Service, and the Allied Land Forces of Southeast Asia. It outlines the British White Paper's three-stage plan for Burmese independence and the challenges faced by the colonial government upon its return. The paragraph also describes the nationwide strikes that led to the formation of a new government with AFPFL representatives, signaling the beginning of the end for British rule in Burma.
📜 The Road to Independence and Its Aftermath
This paragraph focuses on the final steps towards Burmese independence, including the London Agreement and the Panglong Agreement, which addressed the inclusion of various ethnic states into the new nation. It discusses the political maneuvering and negotiations that led to the formation of modern Myanmar's borders. The paragraph also covers the assassination of Aung San, a key figure in Burma's independence, and the subsequent acceleration of the independence process, culminating in the declaration of independence in 1948 under the Nu regime.
Mindmap
Keywords
💡Cold War
💡Burma (Myanmar)
💡Iron Curtain
💡Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL)
💡General Aung San
💡Panglong Agreement
💡Karen people
💡U Saw
💡Independence
💡Ethnic minorities
Highlights
The Cold War saw a world ideologically split into East and West, but some countries like Burma chose neutrality.
Burma's neutrality was driven by internal conflicts and a desire to avoid external entanglements.
Burma's struggle for independence began with Japanese occupation and the formation of resistance groups like the AFPFL.
The Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL) played a crucial role in Burma's fight for independence.
Post-war Burma faced a power struggle between the AFPFL and the British colonial forces.
The British had different plans for Burma's post-war future, which included restoring colonial rule.
Ethnic minorities within Burma aspired for independence, leading to further internal tensions.
The British White Paper on Burma outlined a three-stage plan for independence, which was met with mixed reactions.
The Panglong Agreement was a significant step towards defining modern Myanmar's borders and autonomy for ethnic states.
Aung San, a key figure in Burma's independence, was assassinated by political rivals, causing a power vacuum.
The assassination of Aung San led to speculation about British involvement, which was publicly denied.
Despite internal chaos, Burma's path to independence was accelerated after Aung San's death.
Burma's independence was declared on January 4, 1948, marking a new era but also new challenges.
The Cold War Channel provides a detailed historical account of Burma's struggle for independence during the Cold War era.
The story of Burma's independence is a complex narrative of political maneuvering and ethnic aspirations.
The Cold War Channel's narrative highlights the importance of understanding historical context in current global politics.
Transcripts
The Cold War was defined by a world split into two halves;
East and West. Except that isn’t really true since some countries tried to remain neutral and, well,
uninvolved. An example of one of these states, one that picked neither side of the Iron curtain
is Burma, present day Myanmar. For the Burmese government, the reason to try and remain neutral
was because their hands were already full fighting a myriad of political insurgencies and militant
separatists and they just didn’t want to invite further trouble. I’m your host David, and this
week we are going to look at how Burma, who began their independence with such promise, became
a land of countless conflicts, some of which still last to this day. This is...The Cold War.
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We’ll start this story in 1942, when the Empire of Japan invaded and occupied Burma, which until
that point had been a part of the British Empire for over a century. By August of 1943,
the Japanese had declared an independent State of Burma. That was of course a blatant lie as a
puppet government had been installed under the leadership of Ba Maw, and was firmly guided by
the hand of the Japanese military. The Burmese came to realise over time that their so-called
“liberators” had no intention of actually granting them real independence and various
resistance groups were formed, each with the purpose of liberating Burma or die trying.
The most prominent of these groups and one which would become a major player in post-war Burma,
was the Anti-Fascist Organization, the AFO, later reorganized into the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom
League, the AFPFL. It was formed in Pegu in August 1944 by the leaders of the Communist
Party of Burma, the Burma National Army or BNA and the People’s Revolutionary Party.
The AFPFL worked together with the British and other allied forces to oust the Japanese, and
AFPFL leader, General Aung San, was to become a key figure in later securing Burmese independence.
As we move forward into 1945, the situation in Burma had totally changed. The land had been
retaken by Allied forces together with the AFO and the BNA who remained loyal to General Aung San.
Two other major players, along with the aforementioned AFO, were now in control
of Burma. They were the Allied Land Forces of Southeast Asia (ALF-SEA) led by the Admiral
Lord Louis Mountbatten and the British Civil Affairs Service of Burma (CAS[B]), headed by the
governor-in-exile Reginald Dorman-Smith. However, these two wartime allies each had different plans
about what post-war Burma should look like. The Army viewed Burma as a stepping stone
from which to launch new offensives against the Japanese, still in control of the rest
of Indochina. The CAS[B] on the other hand, was focused on a restoration of colonial rule
and in the true divide-and-conquer spirit British Imperial rule, showed favoritism
towards the ethnic minorities of Burma whom they considered to have remained loyal to the British.
This was in contrast to the Burmese nationalists, who had collaborated at one point with the
Japanese and were viewed as traitors and openly treated with hostility by the CAS[B] as a result.
The AFO/AFPFL for their part, wanted a free Burmese State and was more than willing to
fight against the British, and any other colonial power for that matter, to achieve their goal.
As the Allied forces moved further into the rest of Southeast Asia, AFPFL guerillas and CAS agents
raced against each other to towns and villages to establish local administration
and sometimes even clashed against each other. Of course, the major powers weren’t the only
ones hatching plans for the future of Burma. Various ethnic minorities, like the Karens,
were hoping that they could establish their own independent states. Keep in mind that Burmese
society by that time was armed to the teeth with estimates of between 30 to 50 thousand weapons in
private hands. The population was also politically mobilised and facing a severe economic crisis.
Peace seemed impossible under those conditions, but Mountbatten, CAS officials and many Burmese
leaders agreed that it was in everyone’s best interest to restore law and order first and then
to defuse the local power struggles. Even with a general focus on bringing peace, the two sides
continued to vie for dominance in the political realm as well as over the newly formatted army.
In October 1945, the colonial government-in-exile returned and Sir Reginald Dorman-Smith resumed his
position, now tasked with the implementation of the White Paper on Burma that the British
government had issued on May 17. This paper outlined the three-stage independence program
Britain had developed for Burma. The first stage was a 3-year interim period under the emergency
administration of 1942 and would possibly include a council that would have Burmese representation.
Possibly. At the end of this 3-year period, elections would be held for a
new government. Then the Burmese could write a new constitution and discuss with Britain
about the control of the Frontier areas. The Frontier areas were areas populated
by other ethnic minorities and who enjoyed some degree of autonomy, many who were now
looking for their own independent states. The inclusion of these lands in the new Burmese state
was a controversial point and as you might expect, the origin of many of the regional conflicts that
were to occur over the following decade. Now, the last part of the White Paper outlined that,
at a yet unscheduled date, Burma would be granted independence as a dominion within the British
Commonwealth similar to Australia or Canada. The return of colonial government however,
didn’t mean that order returned with it. The country was still in chaos
and effective authority could not be established as there were no existing mechanisms for rule
in a land that had been devastated by war. With the state unable to enforce the law,
crime ran rampant, and as the economy deteriorated day by day, it fuelled discontent and animosity
towards those in control. It had become apparent, even by the early months of 1946,
that the colonial government could no longer hold Burma if the AFPFL took up arms against it.
Thankfully for the British, this possibility never actually happened. What did happen though was a
police strike in July that by August had turned into a nationwide strike, crippling the colony
and forcing the administration to close ports, railroads and government offices. These events led
to the sacking of Dorman-Smith who was replaced by Sir Hubert Rance who formed a new government
largely comprised of AFPFL representatives. And with that, any lingering delusions that
Britain could hold onto her Burmese possessions were dispelled. The acceptance that they would be
unable to respond militarily in case of an insurrection and the changing winds in the
British government paved the way for a political settlement. A Burmese delegation under Aung San
went to Britain and on the 27th of January 1947, they reached an agreement with British
representatives. The London Agreement as it was named, like so many others, promised independence
to Burma, although again no specific date was mentioned. As part of this agreement however,
the Burmese would be able to choose if they wanted to be part of the Commonwealth or not.
Though a diplomatic victory for Aung San, not everyone was satisfied with the resulting treaty.
Out of the blue, two prominent Burmese political figures, U Saw and U Ba Sein, neither having
shown any previous signs of disagreement, declared they didn’t want to sign the treaty, though their
opposition had little effect at that time. Returning to Burma, Aung San had to face another
equally, if not more, difficult task. This was the inclusion of the Frontier areas into the future
Burma. These areas included the Shan states that had already formed their own federation
and now wanted to negotiate their relationship with the new regime. They were also home to
other people like the Chin and the Kachin who wanted their own separate, autonomous states.
In February Aung San reached an agreement with their leaders.
The Panglong Agreement, signed on February 12, which is still celebrated in Myanmar as Union Day,
promised full autonomy regarding the administration of these people’s lands
and defined modern Myanmar’s borders. However, others, like the Karens and the Mons, aspired to
create fully independent states and the Mons even started to appeal to foreign governments for aid.
A particular note should be made about the Karen people. Whereas for the Shan, the Chin and the
Kachin it was easy to define their homeland, for the Karen it would be a Herculean task.
With the exception of pockets in the hill country that could be identified as strictly Karen,
most of them lived in the lowlands, mixed with other ethnic groups, mostly Burmese. Those who
did not see any prospects for their people in a united Burma, formed the Karen National Union
and announced that they would not take part in the upcoming April elections. As such, their
seats on the Executive Council that were reserved for Karens went to those who supported the Union.
The London and the Panglong Treaties were undoubtedly diplomatic triumphs for Aung San
but they also resulted in the formation of an opposition, born out of mostly
jealousy against him. The most prominent of Aung San’s political rivals was U Saw,
who had once served as Prime Minister in pre-occupation Burma. Saw heavily distrusted
Aung San because of the latter’s collaboration with the Japanese during the early days of the
occupation. Unlike others, however, Saw did not limit himself in just speaking against Aung San
but organized and then ordered his assassination. At 10:30 on the morning of the 19th of July,
four gunmen entered the Secretariat building in Rangoon and murdered Aung San and 8 other
members of his cabinet. Though the authorities immediately cast their suspicions on communists,
it didn’t take long to find out that the man behind Aung San’s assassination was
U Saw. The amount of incriminating evidence was overwhelming and he was arrested the same day.
In fact, the plethora and clarity of evidence identifying Saw as the ringleader soon led to
speculation that he was framed and the true killer was another of San’s political rivals, the
British. The whispers about British involvement were so pervasive that the Governor, Sir Hubert
Rance was forced to declare publicly that neither he or the British government had anything to do
with the assassination. He later set up a special tribunal under which Saw was convicted for his
crimes and sentenced to death. A year later the Burmese authorities would implement the sentence,
hanging him at Insein jail on the 8th of May. Now, the dream for Burmese independence did
not die with Aung San. On the contrary it seems that the process was actually accelerated. The
new constitution was ready by the end of the month and it was unanimously approved on September 24.
The following day, Nu was elected to lead the new state as the prime minister and the assembly
decided, once again unanimously, to sever their ties with Britain entirely and not participate
in the Commonwealth. Finally, on the 4th of January 1948, independence was declared. This
was a victory for the Burmese but, like in so many other newly decolonized states around the world,
independence on its own wasn’t going to solve the myriad of challenges Burma faced and a new,
more chaotic period in Burmese history was about to begin under the Nu regime.
And this is where we are going to leave the story this week, to pick up again when we will
discuss the chaotic and yet ultimately defining decade in Burmese history.
We hope you’ve enjoyed this first part but to make sure you don’t miss the conclusion
and all of our future episodes, please make sure you are subscribed to our channel
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