Hamas, Hezbollah, Houthis - Iran's proxies at work - The Global Jigsaw podcast, BBC World Service
Summary
TLDRThis episode of The Global Jigsaw delves into the complexities of the Middle East's geopolitical landscape, focusing on Iran's so-called 'Axis of Resistance'—an alliance of groups opposing Israeli and US influence. The series explores Iran's strategic support for regional proxies such as Hezbollah in Lebanon, Hamas in Palestine, and the Houthi rebels in Yemen, highlighting their shared anti-colonial and anti-imperialist ideologies. The episode discusses the historical context of these alliances, the impact of the Gaza war on regional dynamics, and the potential future of these resistance movements. It underscores the role of Iran in providing military and financial backing to these groups, while also examining the internal and external pressures they face, including tensions within the Axis of Resistance and the challenges posed by international recognition of a Palestinian state.
Takeaways
- 🌐 The 'Axis of Resistance' is a coalition led by Iran, which includes allies and proxies opposed to Israeli and US influence in the Middle East.
- ⚔️ Iran launched a direct attack on Israel from its territory in April, marking a historic moment and causing celebration in Tehran.
- 🔄 Iran's network of allies and proxies, such as Hezbollah, Hamas, and the Houthis, have played significant roles in shaping events in the Middle East.
- 🇮🇱 Hezbollah, meaning 'the Party of God' in Arabic, is considered a key group backed by Iran and has deep societal roots in Lebanon.
- 🤝 Iran has provided substantial support to Hamas, reflecting a strategic alliance based on shared enemies.
- 📈 The Houthis, backed by Iran, have gained global attention by attacking ships in the Red Sea and demanding an end to the Gaza conflict.
- 💣 The Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) in Iraq, largely backed by Iran, have grown in strength and influence despite the decline of ISIS.
- 🇸🇾 The Syrian government's survival is largely credited to Iranian and Russian support, with Iran providing significant military and financial aid.
- 📊 Iran's influence in the region is strategic, aiming to counter Western and Israeli influence while expanding its own power.
- 🔄 Tensions within the Axis of Resistance show that while Iran can lead the coalition, it faces challenges in maintaining unity among its allies.
- 🌟 The future of the Axis of Resistance is tied to ongoing regional crises, which provide opportunities for Iran and its allies to grow and assert their influence.
Q & A
What is the term 'Axis of Resistance' as referred to by Iran?
-The 'Axis of Resistance' is a term used by Iran to describe a coalition of allies and proxies that are against Israeli and US influence in the Middle East. It encompasses the history of anti-colonial struggle in the region, with the Arabic term 'muqawama' and Persian 'muqawamat' referring to resistance.
How did Iran's attack on Israel from its own territory in mid-April affect the region?
-Iran's attack marked a historic first and prompted jubilation in Tehran. It demonstrated Iran's willingness and capability to launch direct attacks, which could potentially escalate conflicts and shape events in the Middle East.
What is Hezbollah's role in the Axis of Resistance?
-Hezbollah, meaning 'the party of God' in Arabic, is often described as the jewel in the crown of the groups backed by Iran. It is a significant player in the Axis of Resistance, with a guiding religious ideology and extensive support from Iran.
How has Iran's support for Hamas influenced the group?
-Iran has been said to provide substantial support for Hamas, framing their alliance under the principle that 'the enemy of my enemy is my friend.' This has helped Hamas maintain its operational capabilities and political influence.
What is the significance of the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) in Iraq?
-The PMF, also known as al-Hashashabi in Arabic, is a coalition of paramilitary entities in Iraq that has been largely backed by Iran. It has grown in influence and numbers post the defeat of the Islamic State, becoming a significant political and economic force within Iraqi society.
How did the Badr Brigades gain influence within the Iraqi government?
-The Badr Brigades played a role in the democratic process in Iraq, allowing them to gain influence and control over the interior ministry from 2005 onwards. This enabled them to place their personnel within the security forces, thus consolidating their power.
What has been the impact of the sectarian violence in Baghdad post-2003?
-The sectarian bloodbath in Baghdad resulted in thousands of deaths, with estimates suggesting around 35 to 40,000 civilians killed annually during that period. This led to a significant demographic shift, with mixed districts in Iraq becoming almost non-existent.
Why is the presence of American forces in the Middle East seen as an obstacle to Iranian interests?
-American forces, though not numerous, have been able to keep ISIS at bay and prevent the establishment of an uncontested zone of control from Tehran to the Mediterranean by Iran-backed paramilitary forces. This is seen as a hindrance to Tehran's regional ambitions.
How has the relationship between Hamas and Iran evolved over time?
-While ideologically Hamas, a Sunni group, and Iran, a Shia-majority state, are on opposite sides of the sectarian divide, their relationship has been one of convenience. Iran has provided financial and military support to Hamas, which has worked in favor of Iranian interests in the region.
What is the Houthis' stance on Israel and their role in the conflict?
-The Houthis, a Yemen-based group, are staunchly anti-Israel and anti-West, with their slogan being 'death to America and death to Israel.' They have conducted attacks on ships in the Red Sea to exert pressure on Israel to halt its military campaign in Gaza, positioning themselves as defenders of the Palestinian cause.
How does Hezbollah's media presence contribute to its influence?
-Hezbollah has a powerful media machine, including its own TV station Al Manar and a network of pro-Hezbollah outlets. This allows them to disseminate their messages and official statements, enhancing their appeal and reinforcing their image as a resistance movement.
Outlines
😀 Introduction to the Axis of Resistance
This paragraph introduces the concept of the Axis of Resistance, which Iran uses to describe a network of allies and proxies opposing Israeli and US influence in the Middle East. It discusses the historical context of resistance in the region, including the launch of an attack by Iran on Israel and the role of various proxy groups in shaping Middle Eastern events. The episode's focus is set on exploring Iran's influence in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and Gaza.
🏛️ The Rise and Influence of the Badr Brigades in Iraq
The second paragraph delves into the Badr Brigades, an Iraqi paramilitary group with significant influence within the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF). It traces the group's origins, its rise to power following the US invasion in 2003, and its control over the interior ministry. The paragraph also discusses the sectarian violence that ensued in Baghdad and the group's transformation into a politically and economically significant entity within Iraq.
🤝 Iran's Support and Influence in Syria
The third paragraph examines Iran's critical role in preserving the Syrian government during the civil war. It highlights the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps' (IRGC) support for the Syrian regime and the various militias that have been fighting on behalf of the Syrian government. The paragraph also touches on the strategic importance of Syria's geographical location for Iran's regional ambitions.
🕌️ Hezbollah's Multifaceted Role in Lebanon
This paragraph provides an overview of Hezbollah, a powerful Lebanese group with strong ties to Iran. It discusses Hezbollah's evolution from a paramilitary group to a political force with significant social influence, particularly within the Shiite community. The paragraph also covers the group's formation, its objectives, and the support it receives from Iran, both ideologically and materially.
📈 Hamas and the Palestinian Cause
The fifth paragraph focuses on Hamas, a Palestinian Islamist group that has been a key player in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It outlines the group's origins, its governance of the Gaza Strip, and its relationship with Iran. The paragraph also discusses the financial support Hamas receives from various sources, including Iran, and its role in the broader Axis of Resistance.
🏺 The Houthis and the Yemeni Conflict
The sixth paragraph introduces the Houthi rebels, a group based in Yemen that has been involved in conflict with the Yemeni government and has conducted attacks in the Red Sea. It discusses the Houthis' relationship with Iran, their ideological alignment, and the support they receive, which includes military assistance. The paragraph also highlights the Houthis' media presence and their stance on the Palestinian cause.
💥 The Gaza War and Regional Tensions
The seventh paragraph discusses the impact of the Gaza war on the region, particularly how it has affected the Tehran-led alliance. It covers the tensions between Syria and Hamas, the treatment of Palestinian refugees in Syria, and Hezbollah's cautious approach to the conflict. The paragraph also explores the potential for further radicalization following the war and Iran's potential to exploit the situation.
🌐 Social Media Warfare and the Palestinian Issue
The eighth paragraph examines Hamas's use of social media during the Gaza conflict, highlighting their efforts to maintain a strong public image and their portrayal of the dire humanitarian situation in Gaza. It discusses the group's attempts to shift the blame for the crisis onto Israel and the international community, as well as the potential for Iran to benefit from the post-war situation.
🔍 The Future of the Axis of Resistance
The ninth paragraph concludes the series with an analysis of the future of the Axis of Resistance. It emphasizes the historical circumstances that have allowed these groups to thrive and the role of Iran in exploiting regional instability. The paragraph also discusses the potential implications of a long-term solution to the Palestinian issue for Iran and the ongoing regional tensions.
📢 Production Credits
The final paragraph credits the production team behind the episode, including the producer, host, sound engineer, and editor. It also encourages listeners to recommend the podcast to friends if they find it enlightening.
Mindmap
Keywords
💡Axis of Resistance
💡Iranian Proxy
💡Hezbollah
💡Hamas
💡Houthis
💡Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF)
💡Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)
💡Syrian Civil War
💡Gaza War
💡Palestinian Authority (PA)
💡Quds Force
Highlights
Iran's Axis of Resistance is a coalition of allies and proxies opposing Israeli and US influence in the Middle East.
The term 'resistance' in this context refers to the history of anti-colonial struggle in the Middle East.
Iran launched a direct attack on Israel from its own territory in April, marking a historic first and causing celebrations in Tehran.
Iran's network of allies and proxies has significantly shaped events in the Middle East for decades.
Hezbollah, meaning 'party of God' in Arabic, is considered the most prominent group backed by Iran.
Iran has provided substantial support to Hamas, reflecting the strategy of aligning with enemies of their enemies.
The Houthis in Yemen are confirmed to be backed by Iran, with reports of IRGC advisers present in the country.
There are dozens of entities within Iraqi society where the army does not have a monopoly on the use of force.
The IRGC is seen as the lifeline of the Syrian government, illustrating Iran's significant role in the Syrian conflict.
The Badr Brigades, a component within the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF), have grown in influence within Iraq's government and security forces.
The PMF's budget has doubled despite the defeat of the Islamic State, indicating their continued and growing influence.
Paramilitary groups in Iraq have diversified their income through various money-making opportunities, increasing their economic significance.
Iranian-backed groups aim to reduce Western, particularly American, influence in Iraq and the Middle East.
There have been over 160 attacks by Iraqi entities against American bases and interests, with a surprisingly low US casualty rate.
The Gaza war has exposed tensions within the Tehran-led alliance, particularly regarding the treatment of Palestinian refugees in Syria.
Hezbollah's military potential is significant, with an estimated 150,000 missiles and rockets that can reach anywhere in Israel.
Hamas, a Sunni group, has a relationship with Iran based on mutual benefit, despite sectarian differences.
The Houthis' media messaging machine has gained them popularity on social media, positioning them as defenders of the Palestinian cause.
Iran's attack on Israel with drones and missiles in April 2023 signifies a new level of confrontation in the region.
Transcripts
This episode of The Global Jigsaw is part 2 of a mini-series on what
Iran calls the Axis of Resistance - a loose coalition of allies and proxies,
sworn against Israeli and US influence. Here’s a reminder of what they say it stands for.
When we talk about resistance. Primarily,
we're talking about a catch-all term that encompasses the history of, we can say,
anti-colonial struggle in the Middle East - muqawama in Arabic and muqawamat in Persian.
In mid-April, in a historic first, Iran launched a direct attack on Israel from its own territory,
prompting jubilation on the streets of Tehran.
Some of Iran’s proxies chipped in - from Yemen, Iraq and Syria
Iran’s network of allies and proxies has shaped events in the Middle
East - for decades. Its potential to disrupt has been highlighted,
in the context of the current Gaza war. In this episode, we’ll take you to Lebanon,
Syria, Iraq, Yemen and Gaza to untangle the web of Tehran’s influence operations across the region.
Here’s a quick snapshot before we dive into the details.
Hezbollah - it means the party of God in Arabic, which is an indication of its guiding religious
ideology, and it's often described as the jewel in the crown of the groups backed by Iran.
Iran has been said to have provided lots of support for
Hamas. A marriage of convenience of the enemy of the enemy is my friend.
The Houthis are definitely backed by Iran. We've also seen reports that IRGC advisers are in Yemen.
We're talking about literally dozens of entities
within Iraqi society. where the army does not have the monopoly on the use of force.
The IRGC is essentially the life saver of
the Syrian government. You can't really look at it any other way.
Hold on to your hats - it’s going to be a whirlwind tour of the Middle East - starting
in Iraq. Our guide is Barry Marston from our Jihadist media monitoring team.
Its quickly gets very complicated because here we're talking about literally dozens of entities.
Some of which came into being in the 1980s, based in Iran in the context of the Iran-Iraq war. Some
of which appeared in the 1990s, fighting Saddam Hussein from the marshes in the south. Then you
have a whole new crop of groups that appeared after 2003, some of which were specifically
put together to fight the Americans. Some of those groups grew their own split-off branches
that went often to fighting in Syria and then they all come back together under this single
coalition which in Arabic is al-Hashashabi, which is the Popular Mobilisation Forces,
the PMF. There are dozens of these entities and only a very small number are strategically
relevant. The Badr brigades are by far the biggest component within the PMF. Likewise,
Assad al-Haq, which appeared after 2005 purely put together to fight the Americans.
Some of these groups may go back to the Iran-Iraq war,
but it was another war - decades later - that offered them a comeback opportunity.
After 2003 forces like the Badr Brigades came back from Iran,
where they had been based for the previous 20 years and they weren't very popular
inside Iraq. They'd been seen as fighting on the wrong side in the Iran-Iraq war.
For these reasons the Badr Brigades may not have been too popular, but they found a way
to ingratiate themselves with those who had the power and the purse - the US forces in Iraq.
They actually gained influence by playing nice to the Americans by saying that we believe in
democracy, we believe in this new Iraq, allow us to play a role in politics. So the Dawa party,
the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq, the Badr Brigades, these entities played
a full role in the democratic process and therefore, from 2005 onwards were able to
play a dominant role within the government. Badr Brigades from then on controlled the
interior ministry which allowed them to flood the security forces with their own personnel.
And just like that - from exile to power, in no time. With the added bonus of a
fast track to the generous state budget. This had disastrous consequences for Baghdadis.
Literally thousands went straight on to onto the interior ministry payroll.
By 2006 we saw the consequences of this with effectively a sectarian bloodbath in Baghdad,
where death squads had been constituted. The estimated number of civilians killed
on an annual basis around that period was in the range of around 35 to 40,000
people over that period, according to UN, with Sunni extremist groups linked to Al Qaeda killing
Shia civilians and Shia death squads involved in killing very large numbers of Sunni civilians.
The result was Baghdad went from being a very cosmopolitan mixed capital city. The population
Baghdad changed almost beyond recognition. There are almost no mixed districts in Iraq.
What a change in just 10 years. After the violent reshaping of internal politics in Iraq,
a formidable new enemy emerged. It was so alarming it temporarily
eclipsed the old foes and forced the Iranian-backed groups to unite.
They were brought together by a fatwa, by Ayatollah Ali Al-Sistani.
We're talking about a period in 2014 where a third of Iraq had very quickly come
under control of the Islamic state group, Isis. The army had pretty much collapsed.
Isis was moving rapidly with nothing to stop it. So this coalition of paramilitary entities
was very quickly cobbled together with the primary aim of fighting Isis. But the entities within that
coalition that persist today - the best armed, the most influential are almost entirely Iran backed.
A menacing new enemy at the gates and a fatwa from the ayatollah solidified this
coalition of paramilitaries. And what happened to some of these groups after the victory over
the so-called Caliphate is quite startling - their enemy diminished, but not their income.
The bizarre thing is that after the effective defeat of the Islamic state
by around 2017 the budget of the PMF has effectively doubled from around $1.3bn to
$3bn today. This force rather than being demobilised, has doubled from 120,000 to
closer to 240,000 today, in the face of a number of prime ministerial missives that
mandated for the reintegration of these forces into the army that never happened. They've
continued to maintain their independent existences as a separate rival forces.
And it’s not just the state budget that keeps them afloat - they’ve
tapped into various money-making opportunities.
They've entrenched themselves within Iraqi society… scrap metal oil,
smuggling control of illegal checkpoint, some on Iraq's borders and inside Iraq,
reaping millions of dollars. So they've moved from being totally focused on fighting Isis to
the point where they are politically significant economically significant and also they have their
own social and theological organisation so, this constitute a holistic movement.
Obviously, a key objective was to protect
that budget and ensure that they continue to exist in perpetuity.
It sounds like they have become extremely influential in Iraq. This sounds also like
a like an own goal from Iraqi perspective, having such an influence by another country.
Many observers would tell you that the leaders of these paramilitary groups are
among the most powerful figures in the country. It was the Iranian influence,
through very powerful figures, through their ability to lobby, to get to the
point where they are actually able to play a role in choosing the subsequent government.
Surely that is not good for Iraq?
It's not good for Iraqi sovereignty. It's a very dangerous situation going
forward where in different parts of the country, the army does not have
the monopoly on the use of force again. Go back to that 2017 date, Diyala, Salahuddin,
Ninawa, all these major provinces across the centre of Iraq to a large degree came under
the control of these paramilitary forces as a result of their involvement in the fight
against Isis and their progressive seizure of control. They are the key de facto forces.
They want to get rid of America or Western forces from Iraqi soil. That
goes all the way back to 2003. They also want to be able to show to the
key figures back in the Quds Force in Iran they are significant players.
The American forces in the region may not be numerous nowadays,
but they are seen as a serious obstacle to Tehran’s designs. They played a key role,
for example, in bringing down Iran’s drones and missiles that targeted Israel this April.
You have a small number of American forces in the order about sort of 300 to 500,
forces that have both been able to largely keep Isis at bay but
also prevent these paramilitary forces that are based in Iraq,
Syria and Lebanon from establishing an uncontested zone of control all the way through from Tehran
to the Mediterranean, hence you can see why they are so keen to get rid of the Americans.
How are they going about reaching that goal? We've seen. Well over 160 attacks from these Iraqi
entities against American bases and interests. The death toll I believe is still just three Americans
and the very low number of US casualties. Tells you something about the way that these groups
are trying to show that, yes, we can strike the Americans with ease at any opportunity,
but we are also not trying to create a fire storm for ourselves. From the
Iranian perspective they'd never want again to allow an administration to
come into government in Baghdad that would be hostile to Iranian interests.
The groups that meant to serve Iran’s interests became successful in Iraqi
politics. Has that had any effect on their loyalty to the Islamic Republic?
So they should not be viewed as straightforwardly as Iranian proxies, that will always exactly,
precisely do what they're told and no more. They have their Iraqi grassroots supporters
to worry about. They have all these different competing priorities to pay attention to after
the 2021 elections. You get this major show of force between the Sadrist movement and the
political forces aligned with the PMF contesting against each other for political power - one which
is primarily acting on in Iraqi nationalist basis and the other, which many would argue
is an agent of Iranian influence. Sometimes they definitely are acting at the behest of
Iran and some other times, particularly since the US killed Quds Force leader Qasem Soleimani
there has been less of a firm Iranian hand on these paramilitary factions
and we’ve sometimes seen them openly defying Iranian orders.
Next stop is Damascus, and our guide here is Amira Fathallah, one of our top Middle East experts.
The IRGC is essentially the life saver of the Syrian government. You can't really look at it
any other way. The Syrian government was faced with this unprecedented wave of dissent which
quickly spiralled into civil war in 2011. And it really looked like it could go either way,
Syrian President Bashar Assad may have been forced to leave power or maybe he was going
to find some way to hold on. And this is where Iran and specifically the IRGC came
to his rescue. We wouldn't see Assad still in power now with such a tight grip on power and
the territorial control were it not for Iranian but also of course Russian support. Russia has
got very strategic naval bases in Syria that are absolutely critical positions to have in
the Middle East. Russia crucially brings in air cover, military capability that is huge, but
Iran brought the cannon fodder. It brought these masses of fighters not
just from Iran but Afghanistan and further afield to come and fight under this cause.
Tehran seems to have put a lot of effort into keeping Bashar
al Assad in power - so what’s in it for them?
If you look at Syria, geographically where it's located, it’s a very lucrative spot to
be and to have a close ally there. Iran operates in the region within
a framework of this huge power struggle. Iran looks at countries like Saudi Arabia,
especially, as a major political competitor in the region. They have different ideologies and
they are competing in the same space. Iran cannot allow the Saudis to take a space if
it thinks it has a chance to get in there. Not just the Saudis but anybody, any Western ally,
and certainly not Israel. So Iran, its regional policy, is to block the West,
block Israel and grow influence. Syria was the perfect arena for this, at this point.
How is this vital help from Tehran portrayed in the state media?
From Syrian media you don't get any sort of detail at all. You don't know about exactly
what these militias are called or where they are you just hear about the Syrian
armed forces and the Allied groups. The Iranian influence is portrayed as
a political alliance, as this partnership, but very equal partners in a partnership and
they're very grateful to Iran and Iran is very happy to be dealing with Syria.
Amira has been tracking the moves of the forces helping to solidify Iran’s
influence in Syria. Sometimes the clues come from unexpected sources.
You have groups like the Fatemiyoun militia that is an Iranian-established militia,
which comprises fighters from Afghanistan,
then you have militias like the Nujabat movement, it's actually an Iraqi group.
These groups have bases all over Syria. They have really tight stronghold in the far east
of Syria in the province of Deir ez-Zour, which neighbours Iraq, and there is some
overlap between the militias and they also have some strategic sites elsewhere in the
country including around the capital Damascus in certain areas where there is a strong Shia history
or shrine. There is actually an Iranian-backed militia presence there too, often we know about
these locations through various sources, but often we learn about them when you watch where
Israel is carrying out strikes in Syria. This is to repel the Iranian influence in Syria.
Israel has carried out strikes on Iranian-linked targets in Syria for
years. These hits have intensified since the start of the Israel-Gaza war. In a serious escalation,
the Israelis allegedly attacked the Iranian consulate building in Damascus in April,
killing at least one senior IRGC commander. That prompted Iran’s unprecedented attack on Israel. In
the Iranian capital billboards sprung up with the slogan "Tel Aviv is our battleground not Tehran”
As for Syria, more than a decade after the start of the civil war, President Assad is in a more
confident position, looking for new friends to reduce his reliance on certain foreign powers.
Having secured territorial control of most of Syria, Assad has made a comeback on the regional
scene. Many states in the Arab world in the Middle East have tried to bring him back into the fold.
The country that manage to do it was Saudi Arabia. They did a complete U-turn of their foreign
policy, rebuilt diplomatic ties with Assad's government, invited him, and here is a man who has
not been seen at these summits for over a decade, making a grand entrance and welcomed by almost
everyone. This has really reduced their dependence on Iran. For Iran that's not good because now
you have a country and it needs to be rebuilt and having stood by him this whole time Iran is trying
to say give us reconstruction contracts and what they publicly say is we would like to increase
the level of economic cooperation, but Assad now has oil-rich Gulf friends, Saudi Arabia, the UAE,
who are also wanting to get a look in on these reconstruction deals, and who he can turn to.
The friendship with Iran has brought some unexpected consequences - it has
even altered Syria’s social fabric in some places.
Some opposition media take a huge interest in the Iranian presence in Syria and their main
concern is they feel that these militias and Tehran are changing the make-up of Syria. They
are bringing in people into a population who are not from this country. They are trying to instate
new traditions, like religious celebrations that didn't exist
in certain cities. And that is the case in some Deir ez-Zour,
where some of these militias are, where Sunni Arab tribes form the majority,
so they pick up these concerns of a shift in the demographics and in their culture as well.
The UN stopped counting Syria’s war dead years ago at 300,000. Millions of Syrians have left
their country, a result President Assad achieved with Moscow’s help, and with Axis boots on the
ground. The country has lost huge numbers of people who have died and been displaced inside
the country and outside the country, but Assad is rebuilding on this rubble and not looking back.
Next stop on our tour - Lebanon. It’s home to Hezbollah, which is considered to be Iran’s
strongest proxy. Here comes Florence Dixon from our Middle East team - with the background.
Hezbollah, it means the party of God in Arabic, which is an indication of its
guiding religious ideology, but in reality it's quite a few different things. It's a
paramilitary group with military capabilities that far exceed those of the Lebanese army,
it is also a hugely influential political force, especially in southern Lebanon with
seats in Parliament and ministers in the cabinet and it is also a key provider of social services
primarily for Lebanese Shiite communities. It provides things such as healthcare, education,
so it's deeply embedded in Lebanese society. It is often called a state within a state. It's
very open about its ties and its funding from Iran and that it’s one of the Frontline actors
in the so-called Axis of Resistance. It shares a border with Israel, which obviously gives it
huge prominence and it's often described as the jewel in the crown of the groups backed by Iran.
Let us look into how Hezbollah, this powerful Shia political and militant group,
came about. It’s been proscribed as a terrorist group by the Arab League,
the US, UK and EU among others. Its genesis and rise are tightly connected to Israel.
Hezbollah itself was formed in 1982 in the midst of the Lebanese civil war and in the wake of the
Israeli invasion and occupation of Lebanon and at a time when the 1979 Iranian revolutionary
spirit and teachings of Ayatollah Khomeini were being widely felt across the region. If we go
to Hezbollah’s official launch in 1985 it said its objectives were to obliterate Israel from
existence, get rid of the US and French troops from Lebanon. So very much branding itself as a
resistance to colonial forces in Lebanon but it was also a moment of huge anger and disillusion
among the population of southern Lebanon, which is majority Shia and had suffered
decades of marginalisation from the Lebanese state. Iran really capitalised and invested
at this very opportune moment on all the anti-US sentiment in Lebanon, that anti-Israel sentiment,
this widespread disillusion, and that's what gave Hezbollah such momentum. And
you see them grow in ascendance in a relatively short period of time
and that is due to this kind of image of having quite a disciplined nature,
this air of legitimacy as well, that they get from their religious credentials.
Discipline and spirituality alone might not have been enough for such a breakthrough,
were it not for the money and the fire power - gifted by the Islamic Republic.
And they then have this more material support from Iran as well,
both financial and in terms of military aid and also another aspect of the geographical position
there next to Syria that allowed the passage of weapons and other materials from Iran to
Lebanon. Syria’s also allowed key meetings to be hosted in Damascus, and more recently Hezbollah
fighters gained combat training in the Syrian war where they also developed special forces.
Iran’s material support has been a lifeline for Hezbollah all along. But there was another factor
that helped the group remain powerful - and it all goes back to the end of the civil war in Lebanon.
A key moment was in 1989 with the Taif Agreement, the power-sharing agreement at the end of the
Lebanese civil war, which called for the disarmament of all Lebanese militias with the
exception of Hezbollah because Hezbollah argued that it should be allowed to continue fighting
Israel because Israel still occupied 10 percent of Lebanon. Their popularity rose even further in
2000 when Israel withdrew from southern Lebanon and Hezbollah got most of the credit for that.
Next step for the Party of God was to enter the big league of politics.
And then in the 1990s it started to become an influential political player. It won its first
parliamentary seats in 1992 and since then it has been embedded in the political structure
of Lebanon. The Shia community in Hezbollah constituencies have to a great extent been
shielded from the country's numerous crises. And on many of these occasions Iran sent weaponry,
it sent aid for reconstruction, sent medical supplies and even subsidised foodstuffs so
these communities could bounce back quite quickly. There's a 2019 report by the US State Department
which said that in recent years, Iran's annual financial backing to Hezbollah was
estimated at $700m, so the overwhelming majority of its budget comes from Iran.
With all this at their fingertips, how popular are they?
How Hezbollah is viewed in Lebanon is interesting because it's very divided
and I think you could probably say that around half the population view it as a problematic
political and military force and blame it for widespread corruption. The Beirut port blast,
for example. Hezbollah is seen as obstructing all of the investigations into that, which
caused huge public anger and anguish, and also being responsible for various kind of political
malpractice and assassinations and persecution of its opponents. In southern Lebanon it's gained
a lot of public support. Some members are given discount cards to go to the supermarket.
Hezbollah is frequently portrayed in the West as Iran’s proxy but that’s not how it sees itself.
Hezbollah doesn't view itself as a proxy and they would say that that
would be a Western orientalist view. By their accounts they are very much
a grassroots organisation. It's a huge military force, it overshadows
Hamas in terms of its military arsenal. Experts predict that the group has in the
range of about 150,000 missiles and rockets at their disposal that can hit anywhere in Israel.
Hezbollah has a very effective and vocal media machine, has its own
TV station Al Manar and it will carry all the official media and statements, it will
carry Hassan Nasrallah’s three-to-four hour speeches.
And then there's a wider network of pro-Hezbollah outlets, a popular Lebanese-based pan-Arab TV
station called Al Mayadeen, you have more influential and highbrow outlets,
you have Al Akhbar, a really influential kind of equivalent of a broadsheet newspaper.
Florence compared Hezbollah’s military arsenal with that of Hamas, so let’s
look into that group now with Shaina Oppenheimer from our Jerusalem team.
Hamas is actually an acronym for the Islamic resistance movement. It emerged from an earlier
Gaza-based group called Mujama al-Islamiya in 1989, and this is the beginning of the First
Intifada or Palestinian uprising, and it's really a local offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood. And
unlike some of the secular groups that were popular at the time like Fatah or
the Popular Front, Hamas really promotes itself as the defender of Palestinian nationalism, but
it's through an Islamist lens. And then in 1989 it carries out its first attack in Israel, and
then it went on to carry out quite a few of those attacks which really picked up during the Second
Intifada in the early 2000s. Now a key moment for the group was in 2006. Israel had already pulled
out of Gaza, Hamas decided for the first time to participate in legislative elections, and they won
and then a year later they seized power in Gaza after a short round of armed fighting with their
rival Fatah, so they also have to start providing a civil service for some two million residents.
Just like the other members of the so-called Axis of Resistance, Hamas’s declared enemy
is Israel. And just like Hezbollah, it’s a proscribed terror group by a number of states.
They are quite clear in calling for the destruction of Israel. This destruction
needs to happen through jihad, through armed resistance. In 2017 they actually revised their
charter They did tone down some of their language, they did accept the idea of a Palestinian state
established along the 1967 borders, but they didn't mention anything about acknowledging
an Israeli state. Instead of speaking about Jews they started to speak about the Zionists,
and the last thing that is really important to keep in mind when we're talking about Hamas is
it is a designated terror group, according to the UK, US and many other foreign governments.
We have looked into the connection between the Iraqi Shia groups and the Islamic Republic,
Assad’s friendship with Tehran and Hezbollah’s anchor to the
mothership. The spiritual bond tying Hamas to Iran on the other hand is not
obvious as they are on opposite sides of the sectarian divide.
Hamas always been a kind of outlier in this Axis of Resistance because Hamas is a Sunni
group. The Hamas - Iran relationship has always been a marriage of convenience of the enemy of
their enemy is my friend. When Hamas started carrying out attacks which was very soon after
it was created, you could argue that it has always worked in favour of Iranian interests.
Hamas has been running the Gaza strip since 2006 which
means it has some income in the form of taxes. What else does it rely on?
A US State Department figure says that Iran provides for Hamas with about $100m annually,
which is quite significant, but there are also allegations that Qatar provides payments on a
regular basis to Gaza. Where that is going is up for debate but a lot of it does go towards
reconstruction efforts, helping pay civil servants', keeping power plants running, and
there were even times where they were distributed as cash payments to civilians. What was actually
really interesting about these payments is that for a long time they were supported by
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, who kind of saw this financial backing of Hamas by
Qatar as a way of keeping Hamas at bay. He saw them as a group that maybe wasn't really capable
of causing significant damage to Israel, maybe some kind of containable nuisance that we can
have on our border, and it was also a way for Netanyahu to ensure that Hamas was strong and
that it maintained rivalry with the Palestinian Authority (PA) and this was also a way of taking
off pressure on Israel to negotiate with the PA for some kind of permanent resolution.
It seems that the cash flow from Doha didn’t bother the Israeli government much,
quite the opposite. We would see Qatari officials routinely brought into Gaza with
the help of Israeli intelligence officials with suitcases of cash, millions of dollars
in cash. Beyond Qatar Hamas has ties with Turkey, which has been said to fund Hamas,
and we've also seen reports that there is a Hamas network of secret companies that
are managing about $500m for investments in companies from places like Turkey and Saudi
Arabia. Then Hamas also raises its own funds through cryptocurrency and backchannel money
laundering. It's also worth reminding people that at the end of the day they are designated terror
group. They are militant group but they are still a governing entity and they do collect taxes.
The other Palestinian territory - the West Bank - is also worth looking into, in the context of this
story. Its towns are governed by Hamas’ rivals, the Palestinian Authority, which is led by Mahmoud
Abbas and his secular Fatah party. Security in the territory is mainly under the control of Israel.
What's really interesting and we've seen this in the past two years is the rise of
local armed groups in the occupied West Bank. They've carried out quite a lot of attacks on
Israeli soldiers. and it kind of set up the cycle of violence were in response to
a series of deadly attacks in Israel. Israeli forces started operating more
regularly in the occupied West Bank.A lot of these armed groups are affiliated with Hamas,
they are affiliated with Islamic Jihad. Some of them more loosely than others. Israeli officials
have kind of been quite clear, especially Netanyahu, in saying that the violence in
the West Bank and the activities of the armed groups has been financed by Iran.
Another group that got frequent name checks in the news for their ability to disrupt an
important shipping route in the Red Sea - are the Houthis. They are the next on our list
of Ais members - and we have just the person to talk about them - our Yemen expert Sumaya Bakhsh.
The Houthi rebels are an armed group based in the far north of Yemen in the northern highlands,
in Saada, that's their stronghold, although they now control the capital Sanaa and most of Yemen's
north, which is where most of the country's population live. In terms of their declared aims,
since the outbreak of the Israel Gaza conflict through their attacks on ships in the Red Sea
they say that they're aiming to exert pressure on Israel to halt its military campaign in Gaza.
For those with their eyes on the Middle East, the Houthis are not a new phenomenon.
The Houthi movement was established in the 1990s but they really came to prominence in 2014 when
they came down from their northern stronghold during protests against fuel price hikes came
into the capital Sanaa and that was really the beginning of the war in Yemen. Their seizure of
the capital eventually forced the president at the time Abdrabbuh Mansour Hadi to flee
the following year. Saudi Arabia launched a military campaign against the rebels who they
viewed as a proxy of Iran. They both belong to the Shia sect of Islam and the Houthi
rebels belong to the Zaidi minority in Yemen and ideologically they are both staunchly anti-West,
staunchly anti-Israel. The Houthi slogan is, death to America and death to Israel.
And what is the Yemeni government's perception of the Houthi movement?
The Yemeni government sees the Houthis as a proxy of Iran,
they describe them as a terrorist militia.
So let's talk about the Houthi’s relationship with Iran, what do they say about it?
The Houthis are very open about the fact, they have good really good relationship with Iran.
They describe it as a brotherly relationship but they are also very emphatic about the fact that
they do not take orders from Iran. However, the US and Saudi Arabia say that Iran has
been arming the Houthi rebels, providing them with ballistic missiles and drones,
although both Tehran and the Houthis deny this. They do not take orders from Iran,
although we have seen reports that IRGC advisers and Hezbollah advisers
are present in Yemen and helping the Houthis with their maritime operations.
On 7 October 2023, thousands of Hamas militants launched an attack on Israel, which prompted the
current Gaza war. It was the deadliest attack targeting Israelis since the inception of the
Jewish state - at least 1,200 Israelis were killed and more than 200 people were taken hostage.
As this brutal war in Gaza enters its seventh month,
the Hamas run health ministry says more than 33,000 Palestinians have been killed,
most of the population has been displaced and many are facing famine, according to the UN.
For the Houthis, this was a moment of such significance,
they decided to take matters into their own hands and did so by
shooting missiles at ships in the Red Sea, demanding an end to the Gaza war.
They gained global visibility and huge popularity on social media.
The Houthis have a very wide-ranging media messaging machine. Since the outbreak of
the Israel-Gaza conflict we have seen a lot of senior Houthi officials on social media
gaining large followings with this messaging, of how that the rebels are the defenders of the
Palestinians in ways that many Arab governments, they say, have failed the Palestinians,
particularly as some Arab countries have normalised relations with Israel. We also
see for example, on the Houthis main media outlet, Al-Masirah TV, widespread coverage of these mass
protests of tens of thousands of people out in the streets chanting the Houthi slogan,
death to Israel and death to America, holding up the Palestine flag, holding up the Yemeni flag and
really positioning themselves as defenders of this cause, that is important for all Arabs, Muslims,
defending the right of Palestinians to have their own independent state.
There have been suggestions that the Houthis might have
their own reasons for waving the Palestinian flag.
We've seen reports that there has been an increase in recruitment to the Houthi movement,
but equally critics of the Houthis say that their stated aim of defending Palestinians.
There's a lot of scepticism around that and critics of the Houthis see
them as taking this stance for their own personal gains to gain political standing.
The Houthis are not the only manifestation of the
tectonic impact the Gaza war has had on the region. The conflict has brought to
the surface old cracks in the Tehran-led alliance. Back to Damascus, with Amira.
When the Gaza war began all of what Iran would call the Axis of Resistance got behind
the message that the Palestinian factions are confronting Israel. There's a small divergence,
the Syrian government has had huge tensions with Hamas in Gaza and that's because when the uprising
broke out in Syria in 2011 Hamas supported it. And yet Hamas and Damascus are supposed to be allies
under the Iranian so-called Axis of Resistance. Syria expelled Hamas from Damascus in 2012 and
Hamas has slowly been trying to rebuild that relationship and they came to visit
Damascus. State media reported all the Palestinian factions that visited. last on the list was Hamas,
arguably the most powerful faction. And this is this is where you read into the
narrative there's a tiny little crack in the façade, that tensions still exist with
Hamas. I think that tells you that Iran can only hold these groups together for so long.
In the last few decades, Syria has been the temporary home for a substantial Palestinian
population - mainly in and around the capital Damascus. There seems to be a disconnect between
the declared support for the Palestinian cause and the treatment of Palestinian refugees in Syria.
Yarmouk camp is this Palestinian camp and during the civil war, the pictures of the devastation
in Yarmouk actually became some of the best known, like devastating images of complete
rubble all pouring down a street. There's nothing left. This is in incredibly densely populated
area with Palestinian refugees who have been there for decades, never got a house in Syria,
never got anywhere to really settle, that was the Syrian government’s approach.
Since the start of the current war in Gaza,
Hezbollah, the non-state actor with the largest military potential in the region,
has been regularly firing barrages of rockets into Israel from Lebanon. Yet it has so far
held off from making any major military moves. Florence has been watching the tense situation.
They've been issuing claims responsibility for their attacks on northern Israeli military sites
since. October saying very much that. This is in support of the Palestinian people in Gaza. And the
leader of Hezbollah Hasan Nasrallah has said that Hezbollah has one hundred thousand forces at its
disposal which is widely disputed figure, but it's definitely in the multiple tens of thousands.
So, Hezbollah have made it very clear that they don't want a full-scale war
or a full scale escalation on that Lebanon-Israel border. And you even
see it in pro-Hezbollah media. They’ll make it quite clear that Hezbollah is
carrying out a controlled escalation and is very careful for it not to get out of hand.
So Hezbollah hasn’t made any sudden moves, for now. In contrast, for Hamas, the 7 October attack
seemed to be all about rattling the status quo at a time when they felt the Palestinian cause
was undermined by regional powers aiming to normalise ties with Israel. Initially Iran
was blamed for the brutality of Hamas in that attack. Shaina was looking for clues.
The Wall Street Journal reported that Iran did help Hamas plan an October 7 attack
during meetings with officers from the IRGC and representatives of other groups. Iran has denied
involvement and Hamas been clear about saying that this was their own initiative. But we do
also know from other reporting that Hamas wanted to spark some kind of regional war,
they saw more Arab states move to normalise relations with Israel. They wanted to do
something that put the Palestinian cause back at the forefront of people's minds
and the hope was that the October 7 attack might start an original war that Hezbollah,
maybe would've got more involved, perhaps more Iranian backed groups
would have gotten more involved. As we know that didn't really play out in that way.
Israel launched the war against Gaza with the declared aim of rooting out Hamas. On
a different front - the social media one - Hamas seems to have the upper hand.
They've really relied on Telegram over the past few years and significantly since the
start of this war, that's where the post these very slick military style videos showing off
their capabilities and fighting with Israeli soldiers. And it's really an attempt to show
that they're still in Gaza, they are still putting up a strong fight and they're still
having some kind of battle successes. They also talk about what they say are
crimes by the occupation. They mention the dire humanitarian situation there,
the lack of food, water and medicine and basic needs. In addition to blaming Israel for this
they actually put a lot of blame on the rest of the world for allowing this to happen.
Slick PR videos and social media campaigns accompanied by images of
the immense suffering of the Palestinians seem to have enhanced Hamas’ appeal.
A lot of people saying that Hamas is really an idea and you can't destroy an idea,
and if history shows us anything it's that the dire humanitarian situation people are
experiencing in Gaza right now - this is exactly the recipe for further radicalisation because
people don't have a lot to lose. Whenever this war ends and however it ends people are going
to be in a very bad situation. A lot of Gaza's destroyed, people are going to be sleeping in
tents, for a very long time there is a lot of sentiment that Iran will be able to exploit.
It sounds like there’s a way Iran could benefit from the hardship in Gaza. So
where would an internationally mediated long-term solution to the Palestinian issue leave Tehran?
The West and the US has been really pushing for the Palestinian Authority
to have some kind of governing role in the Gaza Strip and even possibly
pushing for international recognition of a Palestinian state. If that happens
that would be a big blow to Iran because the Palestinian cause has always been central to
Iran's excuse for its regional proxies on its Axis of Resistance, not only against Zionism
but also against imperialism and the West. I don't think Iran would be too happy with some kind of
outcome of the war that could potentially lead towards a more permanent solution.
On 12 April - Iran launched an attack on Israel with more than 300 drones and missiles from its
own territory. This put the world on high alert. Let’s bring back Barry Sadid - our Iran expert
we spoke to in Part One - to bookend this mini-series - with
his analysis on the future of the so-called “Axis of Resistance”.
I want to draw attention to the historical circumstances that have enabled the Axis to thrive
in Lebanon, Iraq, Yemen and so on. These groups were not responsible, say for the US invasion of
Iraq, or Lebanon’s civil conflict and the Israeli occupation. What the IRGC were able to do was
to exploit instability made by others to create enduring alliances and proxies in these weakened
states. Just so, Iran is not the primary mover of the ongoing conflagration in the region. As Israel
wages war in Gaza we’re already seeing flashes of unrest in countries like Egypt and Jordan,
whose authoritarian governments are caught between public rage over the devastation of Gaza,
and their apparent inability or unwillingness to bring about a ceasefire. These tensions
have only increased with Iran’s latest assault exposing Israel’s regional support, with Jordan,
for example, openly shooting down Iranian drones and missiles destined for Israel - and this in
the context of Jordanian protests for Gaza, and even public offers by Axis members to
arm Jordanians willing to take on Israel. The Axis undoubtedly has strategic depth,
thanks to its religious and ideological core. But as for its future, as long as these crises and
tensions persist, the Islamic Republic and its allies will have the space to grow and thrive.
Thank you to all our speakers: Barry Sadid, Barry Marsden, Shaina Oppenheimer,
Amira Fathallah, Florence Dixon and Sumaya Bakhsh. This episode of The Global Jigsaw
was produced by Kriszta Satori and hosted by me Krassi Twigg. The sound engineer is Nigel
Dix and our editor is Judy King. As always - thank you for showing an interest - and
if you find this pod enlightening, do recommend us to your friends.
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