An Interview With Anne-Marie Slaughter | A “President Biden's” US Foreign Policy | GZERO World

Summary

In this interview, Anne-Marie Slaughter discusses the potential foreign policy priorities of a Biden administration, emphasizing a renewed commitment to global alliances and institutions. She highlights the necessity of domestic renewal to strengthen America's global role and anticipates a tough stance on China while seeking cooperation on global issues. Slaughter also suggests a reevaluation of American exceptionalism, advocating for the U.S. to lead by example through domestic values and equity.

Takeaways

• 🌐 Anne-Marie Slaughter anticipates that a Biden administration will prioritize signaling a return to global leadership, emphasizing alliances and multilateralism.
• 🏠 Domestic renewal is seen as crucial for the U.S. to effectively engage internationally, with a focus on infrastructure, technology, innovation, and education.
• 🛡️ The Biden administration is expected to update deterrence strategies, particularly to address modern warfare and to deter potential threats from China and Russia.
• 🗳️ There will be a renewed emphasis on democracy and the 'free world,' viewing it as a vital component of future global relations.
• 🔄 Slaughter notes a convergence between the Trump and Biden administrations on the stance towards China, with a shift from the previous approach of integrating China into the liberal order.
• 🔗 The Biden team is likely to be more nuanced in its approach to China, seeking cooperation in areas like global health and climate change while maintaining a tough stance on issues like trade and technology.
• 🌍 A rejoining of the WHO and participation in the COVAX initiative are expected under Biden, reflecting a more engaged and cooperative approach to global health.
• 🏹 On the Middle East, a Biden administration may continue the trend of reducing U.S. military presence, focusing more on diplomacy and regional dynamics.
• 🕊️ Anne-Marie suggests that the U.S. should redefine its role, moving away from the concept of American exceptionalism towards a focus on living up to its values and addressing domestic challenges.
• 🌱 The transition to a plurality nation and addressing inequality are identified as key to improving the U.S.'s global image and effectiveness in foreign policy.

Q & A

What is Anne-Marie Slaughter's view on the top priority of a Biden administration's foreign policy?

Anne-Marie Slaughter believes that the top priority would be to announce to the world that the United States is back, ready to lead in alliances, multilateral institutions, and global problem-solving.

How does Slaughter think the Biden administration will approach domestic renewal in relation to foreign policy?

Slaughter suggests that the Biden administration will see domestic renewal as essential for the U.S. to play its role in the world, focusing on areas like infrastructure, technology, innovation, and education.

What changes does Slaughter anticipate in U.S. defense strategy under a Biden administration?

Slaughter expects an update in deterrence strategies, moving from traditional missile defense to addressing modern warfare, with an emphasis on deterring threats from China and Russia.

How does Slaughter view the Biden administration's stance on democracy and the 'free world'?

She believes there will be a renewed emphasis on democracy, with Biden viewing the 'free world' as a concept for the future rather than just a relic of the 20th century.

What is Slaughter's response to concerns about U.S. retrenchment during the Obama administration?

Slaughter acknowledges a period of relative U.S. retrenchment, especially in terms of not taking on a global policeman role, which began with the Obama administration's more multilateral and domestically focused approach.

How does Slaughter differentiate the Biden administration's approach to isolationism and international engagement?

Slaughter suggests that the Biden administration will redefine isolationism by arguing for a critical U.S. role in global affairs but also emphasizing the need for burden-sharing with allies.

What similarities and differences does Slaughter see between the Biden and Trump administrations' approaches to China?

Slaughter notes a convergence in recognizing China as a significant power that needs to be managed, with both administrations taking a tougher stance than in the past. However, she anticipates the Biden administration will be more nuanced and open to cooperation in areas like global health and climate change.

How does Slaughter expect the Biden administration to handle the issue of global health, particularly in relation to the COVID-19 pandemic?

Slaughter expects a radical departure from Trump's policies, with the Biden administration rejoining the WHO and joining the COVAX initiative to actively participate in global health efforts.

What is Slaughter's outlook on the Biden administration's Middle East policy, especially concerning the Israeli-Palestinian conflict?

Slaughter anticipates a continued pullback from unconditional support of Israel and a renewed emphasis on Palestinian rights, although she does not see this as a major initial priority.

How does Slaughter view the concept of American exceptionalism in the context of the Biden administration's foreign policy?

Slaughter believes that the traditional concept of American exceptionalism has outlived its usefulness and should evolve to focus on living up to U.S. values at home, particularly in terms of transitioning to a pluralistic nation and addressing inequality.

Outlines

00:00

🌎 U.S. Foreign Policy Under Biden

Anne-Marie Slaughter discusses the priorities of a potential Biden administration's foreign policy, emphasizing the U.S.'s return to a leadership role in global alliances and institutions. She highlights the focus on domestic renewal as a foundation for international engagement and the need to update deterrence strategies to address modern warfare. Slaughter also touches on the Biden administration's approach to democracy and the 'free world,' suggesting a nuanced stance that differs from the 'America First' policy.

05:03

🔄 Continuity and Change from Obama to Biden

The conversation compares the foreign policy approaches of the Obama and Biden administrations with the Trump era. Slaughter notes a perceived retrenchment in U.S. global leadership, especially in the first part of the 21st century, contrasting with the more assertive stance of the past. She acknowledges Obama's careful approach to military engagement and suggests that Biden will continue to prioritize domestic issues while maintaining a presence in global forums like the G20, focusing on shared challenges such as pandemics and climate change.

10:07

🏛️ Redefining U.S. Global Engagement

Anne-Marie Slaughter elaborates on the Biden administration's strategy to balance domestic renewal with international engagement. She suggests that investment in infrastructure, technology, and education will be key to U.S. competitiveness on the global stage. Slaughter also anticipates a redefined approach to isolationism, with the U.S. seeking to collaborate with allies and share the burden of global problem-solving, moving away from a unilateral 'America First' stance.

15:08

🌟 American Exceptionalism and the Future of U.S. Foreign Policy

In the final paragraph, the discussion turns to the concept of American exceptionalism. Slaughter reflects on its evolution from the Cold War to the present, suggesting that the traditional notion has become less inspirational and less relevant in today's world. She advocates for a renewed focus on living up to U.S. values domestically, particularly in terms of equity and participation, as a means to enhance the country's global image and influence. Slaughter also hints at a shift in foreign policy priorities, away from a missionary approach to democracy promotion, towards a more collaborative and values-based engagement with the international community.

Keywords

💡Foreign Policy

Foreign policy refers to the strategies, tactics, and methods a government uses to interact with other countries and international organizations. In the video, Anne-Marie Slaughter discusses the Biden administration's foreign policy priorities, emphasizing a return to global alliances and multilateral institutions, and the need for domestic renewal to support international leadership.

💡Domestic Renewal

Domestic renewal pertains to the process of revitalizing and improving a country's internal systems, infrastructure, and social fabric. The script mentions that the Biden administration sees domestic renewal as a crucial step in enabling the United States to effectively engage in global affairs, with a focus on infrastructure, technology, innovation, and education.

💡Deterrence

Deterrence in international relations is the practice of discouraging potential adversaries from taking aggressive actions by demonstrating the capability and resolve to respond. The transcript discusses updating deterrence strategies to modern warfare, ensuring the U.S. can deter threats from countries like China and Russia.

💡Multilateralism

Multilateralism is the approach of multiple countries working together to achieve common goals, often through international organizations. Anne-Marie Slaughter highlights the Biden administration's commitment to multilateralism, suggesting a return to active participation in global institutions and alliances.

💡Democracy

Democracy is a system of government where power is vested in the people, who exercise it either directly or through elected representatives. The video emphasizes the Biden administration's renewed emphasis on democracy and the 'free world,' suggesting a commitment to uphold democratic values both domestically and internationally.

💡Isolationism

Isolationism is a foreign policy stance advocating for minimal international engagement and avoiding alliances or conflicts. The script discusses the challenge of avoiding isolationism while focusing on domestic issues, with Anne-Marie Slaughter arguing that the Biden administration will redefine international engagement to balance global responsibilities with domestic needs.

💡China

China is a major global power and a central figure in contemporary international relations. The transcript mentions the Biden administration's approach to China, indicating a tougher stance on issues like territorial claims in the South China Sea and trade, while also recognizing the potential for cooperation on global issues like climate change.

💡Middle East

The Middle East is a region central to global politics, often involving complex geopolitical dynamics. The video discusses the Biden administration's likely approach to the Middle East, suggesting a continued withdrawal from large-scale military engagements and a reevaluation of relationships in the context of changing regional dynamics.

💡American Exceptionalism

American exceptionalism is the idea that the United States has a unique role and mission in global affairs, often seen as a beacon of democracy and freedom. Anne-Marie Slaughter reflects on the concept, suggesting that traditional notions of American exceptionalism may have outlived their usefulness and that a focus on domestic values and equity could better serve the U.S.'s international image.

💡Global Health

Global health refers to the health of populations on a worldwide scale, focusing on international cooperation to address health issues. The transcript mentions global health as an area where the Biden administration may seek to cooperate with China, indicating a recognition of shared global responsibilities in addressing pandemics and other health crises.

Highlights

Anne-Marie Slaughter emphasizes the Biden administration's priority to announce that the U.S. is back as a global leader.

The Biden administration will focus on domestic renewal as a foundation for global engagement.

Updating deterrence strategies to modern warfare will be crucial for deterring adversaries like China and Russia.

A renewed emphasis on democracy and the 'free world' as a concept for the future.

The perception of U.S. retrenchment in the early 21st century compared to the 1990s.

Obama's approach to foreign policy was multilateral but cautious about deploying U.S. troops globally.

The Biden administration aims to fuse domestic renewal with international competitiveness.

A redefinition of isolationism and international engagement is expected under Biden.

Convergence between Trump's and Biden's stance on China, with a shift from the Obama administration's approach.

Clear lines will be drawn regarding China's legitimate interests and areas where the U.S. and allies will push back.

Biden's expected nuanced approach to China, including cooperation on global health and climate change.

A radical departure from Trump's policies, with the U.S. rejoining the WHO and joining the COVAX initiative.

Biden's intention to work with other liberal democracies and the concept of a 'league of democracies'.

A careful approach by Biden regarding blaming China for the pandemic, acknowledging U.S. shortcomings.

Continuity in policy towards the Middle East, with a potential renaming but similar objectives as Trump's policies.

Biden's likely approach to the Middle East, including rejoining the Iran nuclear agreement and a balanced stance on Israeli-Palestinian relations.

The changing dynamics in the Middle East and the potential for a new U.S. strategy under Biden.

The concept of American exceptionalism and its evolution, with a focus on living up to values at home.

The importance of the U.S. transition to a plurality nation and its impact on global perception.

Transcripts

(electronic music)

- [Interviewer] Anne-Marie Slaughter, senior official

in the State Department and the Obama administration

and CEO now Think tank New America.

Welcome to GCR World.

- [Anne-Marie] My pleasure, I'm glad to be here.

- [Interviewer] So much to talk about,

but start big picture with me.

If we have a Biden administration

what do you think the priorities are in foreign policy

and how the United States engages with the rest of the world

- [Anne-Marie] The top priority will be to announce

to the world that the United States

they've known for decades is back.

Back in a different way but still very much on the front

lines of alliances, of multilateral institutions,

of global problem solving,

of being a member of the global community

and a leader in the global community.

Beyond that, I think they will be focusing tremendously

on domestic renewal, they would never call it America first

and they don't think that way

but they do think that America can't play the role.

It needs to play in the world,

unless it fixes a whole lot of things at home.

They'll be updating deterrence taking it from missiles

to sort of modern warfare

but making very sure that we can deter the Chinese

the Russians, anyone who's thinking about harming us.

And then I think there'll be putting a renewed emphasis

on democracy on what Biden calls the free world

but he says the free world is not just a 20th century relic

it's our future.

- [Interviewer] Now, that certainly sounds very different.

And we can get into all those pieces, but I wanna start

with the idea that, you know, the America's back

because of course, Vice President Biden eight years

with the Obama administration, President Obama.

I mean, there were a lot of people around the world,

a lot of leaders around the world that were concerned

that the United States wasn't back at that point.

That the U.S. was less interested in playing the kind

of leadership role that it had historically were,

was less committed perhaps to some of the alliances,

even though it was still multilateral

and orientation, how do you respond to them?

- [Anne-Marie] I think that they are right

in the sense that people will look back

and see the first part of the 21st century

as a period of relative us retrenchment

at least certainly compared to the 1990s,

people will see that the United States

in the most part responding to domestic pressure,

started to pull back from anything that looks

like a global policeman role.

And that certainly begins with Obama

who is deeply multilateral and very much committed

to our alliances, but he is not interested

in sending U.S. troops around the world.

He did, but in very careful ways in Afghanistan

and then the Middle East.

But in general if you look at what he did on Syria,

refusing to engage.

If you look at his general posture with respect

to the Middle East it is a quieter,

more domestically focused United States.

Although unlike Trump, it is one that wants to be very much

there with the G20, with our allies

particularly, when it comes to global problems

like pandemics or climate change or migration.

- [Interviewer] Now you said it won't look, won't sound

like America first

he's certainly not gonna use that term, no question.

And yet taking office in the middle of an enormous crisis

a pandemic one whose pain is being felt primarily,

on the backs of the poorest in the United States.

You mentioned when I asked you about foreign policy

that domestic renewal is a top priority.

How do you not fall to claims of more isolationism,

greater American retrenchment away

from international obligations

especially when you're taking office

in the middle of such incredible domestic pain?

- [Anne-Marie] Well, I think you do it in two ways.

One, you make domestic renewal, part of our ability

to compete abroad and already, if you read Jake Sullivan,

Jennifer Harris, other people who are around Biden

they've said that our competition with China

will depend in many ways on how well we steward

the domestic economy.

And they argue for massive investment in infrastructure,

in technology, in innovation in education

I would include equity in that

and that's really part of our ability to compete.

So you just fuse the two arguments

but the second is I think to redefine isolationism

versus international engagement and to say look,

we absolutely want to be engaged in the world.

We think we, the United States has a critical role to play.

I'm not sure they'll go as far as indispensable,

but a critical role to play particularly,

with other liberal democracies

but that it is not our burden alone.

They will be somewhat orthogonal to the Trump America

at first, they will say,

we need to be working with all of our allies.

We, the United States can't hold the bag

for global problem solving.

- [Anne-Marie] You mentioned the need to focus

on domestic capacity to be able to compete more effectively.

And when you think about competition

of course, the first thing you think about is China.

And at least, at first blush

what the Biden foreign policy team has to say

and what Trump has been doing,

seem to be reasonably well aligned when it comes

to the United States and China.

So talk me through a little of where we see that connection

and where we'll see differences.

- [Anne-Marie] So that is the area I think,

that of greatest convergence between the Trump posture

and the Biden position really Democrats

and Republicans more broadly.

And it's the greatest shift from the Obama administration.

And you saw it already with Hillary Clinton in 2016,

you're seeing it much more now.

And it is essentially the view

that the decades long consensus of let's help China grow

and develop.

Let's welcome China into the post-war liberal order.

And China itself will adapt and loosen up

and become more, more democratic if not a liberal democracy

that, that has not worked that China has its own ideas.

It is a great power, it's a returning power.

It indeed will try to shape the liberal order

and the regional order in Asia to suit its own interests

just as the United States and Britain

and other liberal democracies tried

to use the post-war order.

And so that instead of simply embracing China

we have to draw really clear lines

about where China can legitimately pursue its interests

and where we and we the United States

but also our allies are gonna push back.

And that means militarily in the South China Sea

and the East China Sea making very clear

that we are not going to simply sit by as China

expands its territorial waters.

It means in areas like trade like intellectual property,

certainly, in terms of technological competition

in various ways.

I hope that the Biden administration will be more nuanced,

I think they will understand

that there ways to cooperate with China

on issues like global health or climate change

or even some norms regulating the internet.

But overall they will be tougher than Democrats

have been in the past.

- [Interviewer] I certainly don't expect

that a President Biden would be calling the Corona virus,

the China flu, but we do know that the Chinese

have not in any way been transparent with the U.S.

or the international community around the pandemic.

President Trump has not joined the COVAX initiative

on global vaccine production and distribution.

He has said that the U.S. will be leaving

the World Health Organization

because of China's influence over it.

Is that an area where you think that Biden

would be a radical departure,

or would, do you think they'll be close?

- [Anne-Marie] No, that will be a radical departure,

we will rejoin the WHO,

we will certainly join the COVAX initiative.

We will once again be actively participating

in global efforts because we as in,

Biden's certainly understands that to be absent

from the field is really to leave the field

to China and other nations who have very different

views than ours.

I expect also that a President Biden will work much harder

to make common cause with other liberal democracies

one of his advisors has talked about a cooperative network

of democracies, a league of democracies.

He said that he'll call a summit of democracies.

And in that won't just be,

(Anne chuckles)

to sit around and praise democracy,

it will be to try to push hard

on issues like climate or pandemics.

And I also think that Biden is gonna be careful

about blaming the Chinese too much for the pandemic.

The United States looks really bad

when it comes to hiding information from our own people

much less looking at the rest of the world.

We're not gonna be in a position to lecture other countries.

And certainly, we can continue to insist that China

was responsible initially, but China has also played

an important role in fighting the pandemic

both at home, within China and elsewhere in the world.

- [Interviewer] So let's move along a bit,

to the Middle East and broadly speaking, of course,

this is an area where we have these wars

that have gone on for a very long time.

President Obama wanted to put an end to them,

Afghanistan still going on of course,

a couple of decades later to what extent has President Trump

and the Trump administration's engagement

with the Taliban reduction of forces on the ground saying,

that all troops are gonna be gone shortly.

Does that kind of, is that path dependent?

Is there much else that really can be done

especially, given just how tired the American public

is of this war?

- [Anne-Marie] Not a lot, I actually think

that a President Biden would pursue a similar policy.

It might get renamed, there would be certainly more emphasis

on rights of women, education of women.

Not that we're necessarily in a position to enforce that,

but to the extent we could offer economic incentives

some military, we would.

But fundamentally Vice President Biden was never supportive

even of the surge back in 2010,

he was far more realist about really making sure

that our vital interests were protected

in terms of supportive terrorism,

but otherwise getting out.

So I don't see him reversing that now.

And similarly, I think in the Middle East,

he may well, while he'll rejoin the U.S.-Iran,

the European-Iran agreement

the Iran nuclear agreement, for sure.

- [Interviewer] He will try to.

- [Anne-Marie] He will try to.

And I think that Europeans will certainly encourage that.

So he'll try to play a more active diplomatic role,

once you don't have troops there

it gets harder to play that role.

And we are no longer seen as a new neutral broker

in the region.

I mean, the region has changed so much

and it's gonna continue to change that I don't expect

to see huge changes there either other than to pull back

from sort of unconditional support of Israel,

regardless of what they do.

There'll be again, an effort to raise Palestinian rights

and the idea of a Tuesday solution,

they'll come back to that.

But I don't see that being a major priority,

certainly not initially, and I suspect when you look

other than U.S.-Iranian relations, when you look back

at the end of a first Biden administration

you may not see that many differences.

- [Interviewer] I wanna push back a little bit when you said

that the U.S. would no longer seen as an honest broker

in the region, are you suggesting that under Obama-Biden

that the U.S. was seen as an honest broker in the region?

(Anne-Marie laughs)

- [Anne-Marie] Okay, more that's a fair question

I think I do think more so, again, with the Middle East,

it's always a question of whose point of view,

but I do think as at least when you were looking

at Palestinian-Israeli relations.

If you remember Obama got into quite a lot of trouble

by insisting that the Israelis halt settlements.

- [Former President Obama] It's not right

to prevent Palestinians from farming their lands

or restricting a student's ability

to move around the West Bank

or displace Palestinian families from their homes

neither occupation nor expulsion is the answer.

- [Anne-Marie] He wasn't able to hold that line,

but he came in with it and he pushed it.

He pushed it in at the United Nations General Assembly,

and when he got, when the Israelis pushed back

and refused to play things essentially stalemated.

So I do think at least from the point of view

of the Palestinians and various other countries

who were still focused on the Palestinians

we had more of a neutral broker role

which is now completely abandoned.

But I also think, and you know, this well,

that as the the other Gulf Arab States

have focused much more on Iran,

what we've seen with the UAE and Oman,

the sort of willingness to engage with Israel,

the entire region and whom you'd be a broker

between has shifted pretty dramatically.

And I would expect a Biden administration

to sort of stand back, take a look at what's there,

put some markers down with respect to the Palestinians

and make clear that we're willing to do a deal with Iran.

And then probably develop a different strategy

an updated strategy that would recognize

the region as it is now.

- [Interviewer] We now how unpopular Trump

is internationally,

we know how much the foreign policy establishment

including a lot of Republicans inside the United States

really have been never Trump for a long time,

but that's very different from saying,

"Trump's gone and suddenly great,

everybody loves the United States now."

So that makes me wanna ask the broader question

was which is, does American exceptionalism

as a concept need to die?

- [Anne-Marie] I'm gonna, I'll hedge,

but it's very important.

- [Interviewer] Don't hedge tell me what you honestly think.

- [Anne-Marie] American exceptionalism that I grew up with,

the American exceptionalism of the Cold War.

The American exceptionalism of the 1990s,

I do think has outlived its usefulness.

It is no longer really even inspirational

I think for many of the American,

for large numbers of the American people,

and certainly a broad it is most effective

when it is a version of universalism.

It's essentially universal human rights

the words of the Declaration of Independence.

So the notion that all human beings are created equal

and they're all entitled to these basic rights

much more so than this is the mission of the United States,

the American exceptionalism of the 20th century,

I think really did see it as a mission

as a kind of missionary zeal that the United States

could bring the light of democracy to the rest of the world,

Wilson, all the way

(chuckles)

through to Clinton in various ways.

That doesn't make sense to me now.

I do think that the United States will do far

better in the world if we're focused on living up

to our values at home and above all on whether we can make

the transition to being a plurality nation

where we're no longer a white majority

which will happen within the next couple of decades

and will happen by 2027 for Americans under 30.

If we can actually make that transition

and improve inequality, have strategies of equity,

strategies of participation,

strategies of genuine power shifting that will do much more

for the way the world sees the United States

than any amount of guide of pushing democracy abroad.

It doesn't mean, I don't think

we should stop supporting the democratic opposition

in various countries in various ways

but I don't think that should be the focal point

of our foreign policy.

- [Interviewer] Anne-Marie Slaughter thank you very much.

- [Anne-Marie] Thank you, it's been a pleasure.

(soft instrumental music)